Monday, September 28, 2009

Nominate Ms.Aberash Berta prisoner of TPLF Government in Ethiopia since 1993

Dears, Please-nominate-Ms.Aberash Berta, who has been imprisoned by Woyane since 1993, for the Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty. A prize of $500,000 is made every other year to an individual like Aberash Berta who has made great contribution to advance human rights. Their website is: www.cato.org/special/friedman/about.htmlJust log in to their website and click “2010 Friedman Prize Nominations” on the right-hand side or click the following link: www.cato.org/special/friedman/prize/friedmanform.html Aberash Berta: Disappeared since 1993As a young woman she joined the Ethiopian people’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP established in 1972) struggling against the totalitarian Soviet backed regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. She served no regime in any capacity. She fought for democracy in Addis Ababa and later on in rural areas with EPRP guerrillas and was wounded and was blinded in one eye. Aberash was captured by the incumbent Ethiopian regime of Mr. Meles Zenawi in Addis Ababa in mid 1993 a few days after EPRP leadership member Gebre Igziabher (Gaym) was martyred. She has been disappeared since along with Lemma Makonen and Tesfaye Kebede. For a while there was news that she was being held in Holeta, outside of Addis Ababa, and that she was not in good health. But later there was absolutely no news of her condition and that of her comrades. Inexplicably, local and international human rights bodies have chosen to remain silent on her case. Let us raise our voices calling for the release of Aberash Berta, a political prisoner for the last 16 years, by recognizing the price she paid for the respect of democratic rights in Ethiopia. Reply Forward

Friday, September 25, 2009

Eritrea in a Quagmire:


Eritrea in a Quagmire: Urgency for a New Beginning
Dr. Tesfatsion Medhanie University of Bremen Federal Republic of Germany Paper delivered at the International Seminar on Prospects of Democracy and Peace in Eritrea, held on the 24th of November 2000, in Stockholm, Sweden.
Eritrea in a Quagmire: Urgency for a New Beginning Tesfatsion Medhanie University of Bremen Federal Republic of Germany The theme of this seminar, as stated in the announcement, is "prospects of peace and democracy in Eritrea". What I intend to do within the time allotted to me is point out the basic political problem in Eritrea today and what I think is the way out. I trust this approach is broad enough to include the issue of "peace and democracy". ********* For quite a number of years now - for more than two decades in fact- I have been following and taking part in debates on Eritrea, Ethiopia and the Horn. I have been associated with viewpoints not quite popular with Eritreans affiliated with the EPLF/PFDJ. It was not easy as those Eritreans were not prepared to listen to anything even faintly critical of the EPLF and later on of the regime in Asmara. I must say there seems to be some change now. One reads in the cyberspace lots of articles, commentaries and observations by Eritreans formerly loyal to the EPLF that sound critical of the regime and that even seem to call for change. Of course there have been in the past -and there still are now- several Eritrean opposition groups criticizing the PFDJ regime and struggling for change. Hence, as I will soon point out, these days there are various categories of Eritreans criticizing the regime and demanding change. ***** There is also a change in the view of some foreign commentators on Eritrea. At least some among those who only a few years ago had sounded positive about Eritrea under the EPLF regime are now utterly disappointed. An example is Mr. Paul Henze, a senior American analyst of Ethiopian-Eritrean affairs. Only a few years ago, Henze was upbeat on Eritrea and had said in 1992 that it could be the "Switzerland of the Red Sea region". Now in the year 2000, considering all the blunders of the EPLF/PFDJ regime, Henze has practically reversed his view. He has gone to the extent of suggesting that Eritrea be placed under international protection. One concludes from Henze's suggestion -and many others maintain- that, as things stand at present, Eritrea's viability has become questionable. This is a point of grave concern. It is important that citizens and friends of Eritrea address it with the seriousness and honesty it deserves. ****** I believe Eritrea can be viable but under certain conditions. I have addressed this issue to some extent in a few conferences in the past. It is clear by now that Eritrea is a small country not well-endowed with natural resources. It has no mineral wealth to speak of. It has explored for oil rather desperately. As yet not much has been identified which is worth extracting for export purposes or even for domestic consumption. The same goes for other minerals. Agriculturally too the country is not very productive. It can not even adequately feed itself. In this sense therefore Eritrea, unfortunately differs from most of its neighbours. The latter are either oil producers or relatively rich in agriculture or, as in the case of the Sudan, both. ****** One can say, however, that though poor in natural resources, Eritrea is fortunate in that it has neighbours that are larger and better endowed. Really, Eritrea is lucky in that it neighbours with Ethiopia, with the Sudan and across the Red Sea with Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Eritrea can be viable only if it takes advantage of the fact that it has such neighbours to the South, west and east. Specifically, Eritrea can be viable in the context of relations of economic cooperation with Ethiopia and the Sudan as well as with its neighbours across the Red Sea. Of course considering the history and geographical contiguity, relations with Ethiopia and the Sudan are more crucial. A few years ago ideas of economic integration and political confederation between Eritrea, Ethiopia, the Sudan and the rest of the Horn were explored. As regards Eritrea and Ethiopia it even seemed that concrete steps were being taken. Isayas and other EPLF leaders had gone to the extent of declaring that the borders between the two countries were becoming meaningless. Some of the EPLF's senior cadres suggested frameworks of integration and confederation that would go on deepening to such an extent that finally Eritrea and Ethiopia would be united on the basis of federation. Economic cooperation or an operative free trade area comprising of Eritrea, Ethiopia , the Sudan and other Horn of Africa states is both necessary and possible. It is necessary especially in this era of globalization when developing states need to join hands so as to be strong and deal with economic forces of the North in ways beneficial to themselves. It is also possible: the complementarity of the countries' economies, and the links in the history and cultures of the peoples concerned not only warrant but also demand such relations of cooperation and even confederal political union. The important question is therefore what problems stand on the way to cooperation in the Horn. **** It is the view of many an observer that one of the main obstacles to cooperation in the Horn these days is the EPLF/PFDJ regime in Asmara. On this point, one commentator from Nairobi - Neville- says the following: "The belligerent regime in Asmara, which has triggered conflicts with its neighbours, is not only an impediment to cooperation but is also a source of instability and a danger to regional peace". Several other observers -Eritrean and non-Eritrean alike- very much regret that this regime has become an obstacle to cooperation between the Horn states. They regret it because cooperation would have benefitted all the states concerned, above all Eritrea itself. It sounds, and it is indeed bizarre, that Eritrea -which stands to benefit most from cooperation- has itself become the chief impediment. In fact as regards relations with its neighbours, the track record of this youngest state of the Horn is rather worrisome: * Only a few months after becoming officially independent, it (Eritrea) provoked armed confrontation with the Sudan. * It is the only African country which has gone to war against a state outside the African continent. This is a reference to the war with Yemen. * It is the only African country which provoked armed conflict -in fact a full scale war- with a neighbouring state it referred to as its former coloniser. * It is the only country that I know of which has fought militarily virtually all its neighbours only in the first four years of its existence. It would make sense to add that there are also political factors that distinguish this young state of the Horn. There indeed are several such factors. I am going to mention just a few. * Eritrea is the only state in the region (Somalia's case being a different problem) that does not have a constitution even though it has been independent for six years now. * The EPLF/PFDJ has always been authoritarian. In fact as many EPLF followers are acknowledging these days, it has been and is still a one-man dominated regime. And yet, the regime has been praised by the West especially by Washington -at least until the end of 1998- as an example of an emerging democracy in Africa. This in itself was very strange indeed. The absurdity in Eritrea's approach to relations with its neighbours is clear. It is also obvious that the absurd approach is facilitated or even necessitated by the anti-democratic system of rule characterising the internal situation. The conclusion is inescapable that the internal political situation -meaning the political order- in Eritrea has to change if the states of the region (in particular Eritrea and Ethiopia) are effectively to embark on processes of economic integration as well as realize a political association along the line of confederation. ****** The political order in Eritrea has to change also -or perhaps primarily- because, due to it, the people inside the country are suffering. * The people are going through one of the worst phases of their country's history. For most of them life is miserable. The poverty is abject. The agony and the sense of loss is severe. * Families are dismembered. Hundreds of thousands of our citizens are displaced inside the country. Many thousands are still refugees in the Sudan. * The country is swarmed with the disabled. I do not exactly know what percentage of the population are disabled especially among those in the 20 to 50 age bracket. * I hear many people are dying due to diseases easily treatable under normal circumstances. The hospitals and clinics are ill-equipped. In most cases people get virtually no treatment worth speaking of. * The people are most oppressed. I hear the prisons are full. There are many thousands of political prisoners. * A sense of shame is afflicting the psychology of our people. This is mainly due to the humiliation caused by the military defeat the regime suffered in the war it instigated with Ethiopia. * There is insecurity in considerable sections of the country. Opposition forces are engaging the regime militarily in particular in the western and eastern lowlands. This pathetic situation is the result of the problems stemming from the nature of the political order imposed upon the people of Eritrea. It seems that the totality of this grave situation has forced many supporters and senior cadres of the EPLF/PFDJ to acknowledge some -but not all- of the pitfalls of the regime of Isayas Afeworki. This brings me to the subject of the debates or exchanges in the cyberspace these days. ******** The cyberspace discussion on the subject of change and democratization in Eritrea is limited to Eritreans in the diaspora. There is no possibility for Eritreans inside the country to take part. One commentator in the Awate website categorises the viewpoints in the cyberspace exchange into three. He characterises them as the "assertive opinion", "the cosmetic opinion", and "the weary opinion". The exponents of the "assertive opinion", strive for fundamental change, as distinguished from reforms that may only serve to enable the regime survive. They stand for the establishment of a new political order and a new government of national unity. This category is represented primarily by the groups in the Alliance of Eritrean National Forces. The promoters of "the cosmetic opinion" aim to salvage Isayas Afeworki or at least the PFDJ regime before the situation explodes and the regime is got rid of. The upholders of the "weary opinion" are somewhere between the two. They call for basic changes in the PFDJ. They would like it to continue having a role in Eritrean politics but after reforming itself and renouncing the monopolization of power. They would like other Eritrean forces to have equal participation in the political life of the country. The writer in the Awate website plausibly adds there are also commentators one cannot strictly classify in one or another of the three categories. ******** I do not have the time to deal with samples of opinions falling within the "cosmetic" and "weary" categories. I would rather focus on the document which has become perhaps the most significant -and certainly the most controversial- of the writings from the PFDJ camp. This is the document entitled "Letter to President Isayas", now popularly known as the "Berlin Manifesto". It is a petition to the president written supposedly in Berlin by a group of individuals described as "professionals and academics". To understand why this petition has become so controversial, one has to see what is novel about it as a development in the EPLF/PFDJ camp as well as its substantive shortcomings from the viewpoint of the long-standing critics and opponents of the regime. What is new about the Berlin Manifesto? What I mean by new in this context is something which is out of character for the EPLF/PFDJ. In other words the expression of ideas and the use of tone unknown among the members of the EPLF fraternity is what I refer to as new in this presentation. Here are some of such ideas the Manifesto expressed in a tone a little less extolling of the leadership than typical writings of the EPLF/PFDJ cadres. * Though not explicitly, the Berlin Manifesto admits Ethiopia has won the latest war. It acknowledges the Ethiopian army succeeded to "penetrate deep into Eritrean territory with such speed and devastating effect". * The Manifesto even states that "the wound inflicted" upon Eritrea "has been a chastening experience". This is an interesting statement as it can be taken to imply that Eritrea under the EPLF needed to be corrected. * It notes the gravity of the humanitarian problem the war has caused. It refers to the plight of Eritreans vegetating in refugee camps and to the expulsion of thousands of Eritrean "compatriots" from Ethiopia. * It acknowledges that as a result of this war the country's image in the world has been tarnished. In the words of the Manifesto, "Eritrea's image has never been as bad as it is today. Indeed it has hit rock bottom". It adds that "much of the world community" now "perceives the Eritrean government and its leadership as aggressive and irresponsible". The Manifesto adds that the "leadership has been cast, particularly since the start of the war with Ethiopia, as contemptuous of international law and accepted norms of behaviour". * It regrets that "we", meaning Eritrea under the PFDJ regime, have "alienated our friends and allies, including those who stood by us during the liberation struggle". ** As regards the system of governance the Manifesto admitted that what obtains in Eritrea is a one-man rule. It uses such phrases as "one-man leadership" and "one-man dominance". It points out that this situation denied the country "the values that come with collective reflection and action in national affairs". It implies that the situation of one-man rule "has inevitably prevented the growth of democratic institutions". ** Also as regards cohesion within the EPLF/PFDJ today, the Manifesto acknowledges there are contradictions. It notes there is "crisis within the leadership", which, it stresses, is "serious and dangerous". ** The Manifesto argues that the PFDJ -the sole ruling party- is practically a parallel government. It is not "confined to party activities" but does virtually what a government does. (It is implied that the PFDJ is more powerful than the official government, if at all one can distinguish between the two.) The Manifesto is particularly concerned about the economic activities of the PFDJ. It implies that the PFDJ has monopolised Eritrea's economy. Referring to the party's engagement in business the Manifesto says that this is "fostering corruption, cronyism, and favoritism". It calls for a reassessment of the party's involvement in business. *** The Manifesto even mentions the subject of national reconciliation within Eritrea. It notes that the EPLF/PFDJ "lost" an opportunity to engage in reconciliation with "all Eritreans irrespective of belief or political affiliation to join hands in rebuilding a shattered society and economy". It even goes further to say that "the EPLF (PFDJ) leadership should be willing now to provide political space for groups or individuals". *** The Manifesto notes the violation of the rule of law in the country. As an example it cites the existence and operation of what is known as the "special court". It points out that people "have been languishing in jail for many years without being formally charged of any crime, let alone sentenced". It condemns this situation "as an affront to elementary notion of justice" and demands that the prisoners be released or else be taken to court. In light of all the above (and many other) problems and concerns the petitioners admit that the PFDJ regime has failed Eritrea. As regards the development of one-man rule in particular, they blame not only the president, Isayas Afeworki, but the other members of the leadership as well. In the words of the Manifesto "They (the other members of the leadership) too have failed the nation along with you (Isayas) in allowing power to be concentrated in the hands of one man". ***** The Berlin Manifesto raises several points that may sound strange to the followers of the EPLF/PFDJ. Hence, it is not surprising that many such EPLF followers are attacking the Berlin petitioners as "rebels" or even traitors. One can safely say that, given the tradition of unquestioning obedience in the EPLF, the Berlin Manifesto is significant. It has provoked discussion of issues unpalatable to the regime. But the real question is does it -and is it really meant- to help fundamentally correct the situation in Eritrea? Many doubt the aim of the Manifesto is to help bring about basic political change. This doubt is warranted especially considering the problems and inconsistencies in the Manifesto. What are some of these problems? * The problems and issues the Berlin petitioners deal with are among those the Eritrean opposition forces have been addressing all along. Be it on the question of democracy, or on the monopolization of the economy by the PFDJ, or on the relations with neighbouring countries, Eritrean opposition forces and critics have been campaigning against the regime. In fairness, it must be pointed out that throughout the years when the opposition were criticising and challenging the regime on the above and other issues, several of the Berlin petitioners were not only defending but actually serving the regime in important capacities. * I do not want to be misunderstood on this point. I would like to make it clear that, as far as I am concerned, those who were (or still are) supporting Isayas' regime can change their mind any time. But when they do so they can be credible only if they honestly acknowledge how wrong they were in the past years and how seriously they had contributed to the suffering of the Eritrean people. Furthermore, they have to be courageous and admit that all along the opposition forces and the critics were correct in pointing out the problems the Berlin Manifesto is addressing only today, towards the end of the year 2000. The Berlin petitioners did not admit they were wrong in the past; they did not acknowledge the justness of the opposition's cause today and in the past. In fact they did not even explicitly mention the existence of the opposition. ******** Substantively the Berlin Manifesto suffers from several problems and inaccuracies. The following are some of the major ones. * In the course of expressing their "unreserved support for" the EPLF government "in its defense of our country's sovereignty and territorial integrity", the Berlin petitioners allege Eritrea has been the victim of "Ethiopian aggression". Later on too they say that we have been "devastated by the Ethiopian invasion of our sovereign land". Their allegations are false. Ethiopia did not invade Eritrean territory. It was not the aggressor. The war occurred because (i) the EPLF regime sent armed forces into and occupied territory long administered by Ethiopia; and (ii) it rejected the calls of the international community to withdraw from the territory on the basis of the principle of status quo ante bellum. On the crucial question of who was the aggressor in the war the Berlin Manifesto fully supports the regime. * The petitioners maintain there have been acts violative of human rights which "agents of the Ethiopian government" committed against "innocent Eritreans". They condemn these acts. There can be no question that so long as the petitioners have enough evidence -or even so long as they believe- that there have been such violations, they are justified to condemn them. However, as "academics and professionals" they are expected to show genuine appreciation for the principle that human rights are universal. Hence, even as they protest what they believe are violations of human rights of Eritreans, they could have raised the question of the abuse of human rights of Ethiopians in Eritrea. The Berlin Manifesto does not even mention that there have been allegations about such violations. There have been several reports about how Ethiopians, especially Tigreans, in Eritrea are being cruelly deprived of their human rights. Many such Ethiopians, it is said, have been abducted, sent back to Ethiopia across landmine-infested roads, sent to concentration camps, and arbitrarily killed. Hence, on the issue of human rights violations too, it is obvious that the Berlin Manifesto stands on the side of the regime. * The petitioners imply that one-man rule is a new phenomenon in the EPLF. They claim that during the years of the armed struggle there was "collective leadership" in the EPLF. This is not true. The EPLF has always been a one-man dominated organization, and that one man has been Isayas Afeworki. The petitioners know only too well that throughout the years when they were loyally serving the EPLF, it was, as it is today, a one-man dominated organization. * In this connection one is prompted to make an observation on the Berlin petitioners' verdict that the leaders of the EPLF "failed the nation" along with Isayas "by allowing power to be concentrated in the hands of one man". The verdict is correct as regards all the EPLF leaders. However, it is not only the leaders who failed Eritrea in this sense. The pro-EPLF Eritrean intellectuals and other elites also failed Eritrea. Among them are several of the Berlin petitioners themselves. They were fully supporting the policies of the EPLF/PFDJ, including those policies that in effect strengthened and perpetuated the one man rule of Isayas Afeworki. * The petitioners' criticism of the PFDJ's involvement in the economy also calls for some comment. The Manifesto expresses admiration for the EPLF's professed policy of self-reliance, which it says is "commendable" though it admits there are some "problems" with "its implementation". The petitioners are either unaware or unwilling to admit that self-reliance has always been used in the EPLF in a sectarian manner. It has been the basic pretext for the EPLF's claim that it is the most advanced of all the movements in the Horn. It has been associated with the propaganda that even as a national liberation movement the EPLF was far more efficient and competent in several areas than many fully-fledged governments in Africa. In other words, it was a chief ingredient of the attitude which led the EPLF to look down upon others including Ethiopia under the TPLF/EPRDF. And in the post-independence period the attitude underlying the EPLF's notion of self-reliance was applied to pursue monopolization of the economy by the EPLF/PFDJ. The PFDJ's involvement in business is not unrelated to the EPLF's policy of self-reliance which the Berlin petitioners say is "commendable". One is thus surprised to note that according to the petitioners, "it cannot be denied that PFDJ/government business activities have solved many problems by providing timely and affordable commodities to our people". This sounds strange to anyone familiar with the situation in Eritrea. Which problems did the party's business activities solve? The PFDJ -i.e. the government, became a competitor even in very small enterprises. Being the almighty there it pushed shop keepers and other small entrepreneurs out of business, thus pauperizing many of them. Actually, the regime's economic policy and its involvement in business discouraged moneyed Eritreans abroad from investing in the country thereby reducing the prospects of real development. * On the subject of the so called Eritrean constitution the Berlin Manifesto has fundamental problems. The petitioners regret that the constitution is not yet implemented. In this regard they state their demand in these words: "we, therefore solemnly request that you take the necessary steps to ensure the full and immediate implementation of our constitution". The request is stated rather firmly. One gets the sense that implementation of the constitution is the chief agenda the petitioners are interested in. What are the problems with the petitioners' views and calls as regards the EPLF's constitution? (i) The petitioners take it as given that there is such a thing as Eritrean constitution. But this is not correct. As yet there is no constitution in Eritrea. Yes, there is a draft which was said to be ratified. But it never came into effect. The Berlin petitioners insist that "a ratified constitution means that it is already in effect". They add that "no one has the right to suspend it or otherwise tamper with it". What we know for sure is that this so called constitution was suspended from day one -i.e. before it ever came into effect. There is no constitution and there is no constitutional rule in Eritrea under the EPLF. One really wonders why the petitioners, who, all the time, were silent about the suspension of the constitution are now insisting it exists and should be implemented. (ii) The petitioners make false claims about the making and the nature of the EPLF constitution. They tell us that the constitution was "crafted with the participation of the people and was ratified by their representatives". They even dare say that this constitution "represents the consummation of the Eritrean struggle"; that it is "the most sacred document of the nation"; and that it is "the people's document". These claims are outrageous. There is no basis whatsoever to characterise the document as an expression of the will of the Eritrean people. The constitution was drafted without the participation of the opposition forces, without the participation of a considerable section of the Eritrean people. Actually, it seems the Berlin petitioners do contradict themselves on this issue. For example they note that following the military victory in 1991 there was an opportunity for the EPLF to engage in national reconciliation with "all Eritreans irrespective of belief or political affiliation". They admit the EPLF did not avail itself of that opportunity. They admit the opportunity was lost. Hence, it is logical to say that they know only too well that the constitution was drafted in the absence of national reconciliation. They know it was drafted and decided upon without the participation of the opposition forces and the sections of the Eritrean people these forces represent. They know this is not the constitution of the Eritrean people but that of the PFDJ and of the PFDJ alone. ********* In light of all the above one really wonders what it is that the petitioners seek to accomplish. Do they want a fundamental change? Or are they aiming at merely cosmetic change that will help the regime survive and continue? It is clear from the content of the Manifesto that fundamental change is not what the petitioners are about. Let us see some of their remarks. (i) The petitioners not only praise the president, Isayas Afeworki, for his "role in leading our nation to independence", but also stress that they are "mindful of" the president's "continued importance as a national leader". This makes it clear they envision Isayas will continue as a leader including perhaps two more terms as president, elected under the constitution!! (ii) As regards the war with Ethiopia the petitioners state that it had been costly to Eritreans. They note that it has "raised grave questions about the conduct of Eritrean affairs both domestic and foreign". But they do not expose the regime as the aggressor in the war and thus as the party responsible for the suffering of the Eritrean people. True, they express the hope that the president or the leadership in general will do some "soul-searching" in this regard. But they say nothing that puts the blame upon the EPLF leadership or upon the president himself who is the commander in chief of the armed forces. (iii) Actually, the petitioners express their "admiration for the Eritrean defense forces" for what they claim was their "role in foiling the Ethiopian aggression". This means the defense forces were victorious in their mission. (And the president -the commander in chief- has done a good job). If Ethiopia was the aggressor and if the aggression was foiled, then it follows Eritrea had won the war!! So what are the Berlin petitioners up to? Some opine that they are appealing to Isayas Afeworki to introduce some reforms in the hope that the reforms would eventually lead to his resignation. Others are of the view that what the petitioners want is for the regime to introduce some reforms and implement the EPLF constitution, a move that may in fact secure Isayas' continued stay in power as an "elected" president. I find it necessary to say that I do not have anything personal against the Berlin petitioners. On the contrary, I would be very happy if they manage to achieve something positive for the people of Eritrea. But I cannot help pointing out that many Eritreans sense there is something dubious about the Manifesto. Many suspect the Manifesto is part of an effort to preempt the situation which is calling for change. In other words they consider it part of some endeavour to save the PFDJ regime from being overthrown by the people. Believe it or not there are even some who say that Isayas Afeworki himself is behind the Berlin Manifesto. One commentator (or investigative reporter) wrote in the Awate website that his contacts inside the EPLF in Asmara told him that Isayas had not only known about it before the Berlin meeting took place but was in fact part of it. The theory is that the regime is now so insecure that it needs to employ even something like the Berlin Manifesto as a strategy for surviving and staying in power. Of course I cannot vouch for the accuracy of this view. On the other hand, I know that Isayas Afeworki is one who would do virtually anything to stay in power. In light of this I cannot dismiss the reports outright as too far-fetched or impossible. ******** The Berlin petitioners are not the only group calling on the regime to make a change and launch what they regard a democratization process. Many others are. These groups and individuals call for democratization and suggest that we begin with the implementation of the EPLF constitution and the holding of elections. I have problems with this proposition. * First, as I already mentioned, there is no constitution. The opposition forces do not recognise the existence of any constitution. The EPLF's constitution is not a legitimate document. A considerable section of the Eritrean people have no loyalty to it. * Secondly, the idea of elections now with the EPLF monopolising all the components of state power -i.e. the army, the police, the media, the bureaucracy etc.- is a mockery. Only the EPLF/PFDJ can win. What is needed now is a transitional government comprising of the opposition organizations as well as other political and social forces. This can be the beginning of a democratization process in Eritrea. Many are of the opinion that the PFDJ or the regime as such can't be part of this transitional government. In light of its history it is not a credible partner for reconciliation and democratization. In the past -i.e. since 1991- the EPLF regime had been offering successive pretexts to avoid or to postpone democratization. Those of you who have been following Eritrean events recall the following: * Till 1993 the EPLF was saying there can be no multi-party democracy before the referendum. It told Eritreans to wait till the referendum. * After the referendum, it insisted the EPLF's third organisational congress should be held before multi-party democracy is allowed. It told us to wait till the third Congress which took place in 1994. * After the congress the EPLF insisted there can be no multi-party democracy before the constitution is made. It told the people to wait for the promulgation of the constitution. * The EPLF's constitution was drafted and supposedly ratified in 1997. But it was suspended before it ever came into effect. This means the EPLF's last precondition for allowing multi-party democracy remained unfulfilled. Using the above pretexts the regime rebuffed all efforts the Eritrean opposition forces had made for national reconciliation and for a subsequent process leading to the establishment of a government of national unity. The Eritrean opposition has thus firmly concluded that reconciliation and democratization are not possible with Isayas and his inner clique still in power. It should be noted here that now too, members of the leadership and many supporters of the EPLF/PFDJ have come up with a new excuse to postpone democratization in Eritrea. They say they agree we should have multi-party democracy in Eritrea; but they insist that first the war and the problem with Ethiopia must be definitively resolved. Some even put it a bit differently saying, first Eritrea has to be free from the danger of invasion by Ethiopia. As I mentioned earlier, no one has invaded Eritrea. Ethiopia certainly did not. And in the whole region there is no government that is bent on invading Eritrea or undermining its sovereignty. This allegation about the danger of Ethiopian invasion is only the EPLF's latest pretext for postponing true democratization in Eritrea. The only solution is to set up a transitional government. Incidentally this can include members of the PFDJ if they renounce its policies and fully cooperate in the transition to democracy. The Eritrean opposition forces have repeatedly called upon the EPLF/PFDJ army "to take the side of the people and open dialogue with the resistance". For example in its declaration of May 3, 1999, the ELF (Legislative Council) had urged the army to rise up against the dictatorship and "put the members of the EPLF's ruling clique under arrest pending trial according to the rule of law". If true patriots in the EPLF/PFDJ take control of the organisation it can possibly be competent enough to join the transitional government. If, under the control of genuine patriots, the EPLF/PFDJ is effectively transformed -i.e. it is cleansed of the networks, cliques and "security" apparatuses sustaining Isayas' autocracy- it can be a credible partner in national reconciliation and democratization processes. ********** One of the major questions the transitional government will have to deal with concerns the case of those responsible for the sufferings of the people. Something like a truth commission will have to be established to determine whether to bring criminal charges against those accountable. To understand this proposition it is important to recall the point I made earlier. Since 1994 the people were forced to go to successive wars against virtually all their neighbours. Young Eritreans were killed in the war over Hanish islands which the International tribunal finally decided belongs to Yemen. Young Eritreans were killed in the battles with the Sudan. And tens of thousands of Eritreans were massacred in the war with Ethiopia. In all the wars the EPLF/PFDJ regime was the aggressor. It is therefore answerable for the loss of Eritrean lives in all these wars. Moreover, our people are suffering as a result of the wars. They are going through one of the most horrible experiences in their country's history. Tens of thousands have become refugees. Hundreds of thousands have been internally displaced. Eritreans inside the country are hurting a lot. Their pain is indescribable. Isayas Afeworki and others in the top leadership, who instigated the wars, are responsible for the sufferings of the Eritrean people today. Indeed, many are of the view that they have committed crimes against the people of Eritrea (and against the peoples of the neighbouring countries as well). It is only fair to demand the establishment of a commission to investigate the matter and see to it that they are brought to justice. Incidentally, this is not the first time I am raising this issue. I raised it more than four years ago in a lecture I delivered on the Eritrea-Yemen conflict over the Hanish archipelago. I think I should also point out that several groups -Eritrean and others- are demanding trial of those they allege are responsible for crimes against the Eritrean people. As I mentioned earlier, the Eritrean opposition forces have been and are still making this demand. Some activists have also touched upon the subject, in fact in relation to criticisms of the Berlin Manifesto. For example, Fisseha-Tsion Menghistu and Associates, in their latest commentary entitled "The Berlin Appeal: From Blind loyalty to a letter of Appeal", express the following view: "The total number of accusations (in the Berlin petition) would in effect make the Eritrean leadership liable to many national and international crimes that the signatories of the Berlin petition have not dared to raise". A legal process to determine -and hold accountable- those responsible for the suffering of the Eritrean people is necessary. And the reason is not only that justice must be done. Such a process is important also for building the confidence of the neighbouring countries in Eritrea. ******* It is clear that change of regime, which necessarily implies removal of the EPLF/PFDJ from state power, is necessary if Eritrea is to become a viable state. As noted at the outset Eritrea can be viable only by cooperating and integrating with its neighbours. If at all Eritrea can be a Singapore, it is only through these relations of economic cooperation and close political association. So far, whatever chance Eritrea had to proceed in the direction of Singapore has been wasted. Isayas' regime blew it by antagonising all of Eritrea's neighbours one after the other. On this matter a foremost Africanist, Professor Christopher Clapham of Lancaster University observed the following: "There was much talk in the Eritrean government that Eritrea might become the Singapore of East Africa; but Singapore doesn't spend its time invading neighbouring Malaysia or Indonesia". Unquestionably Eritrea's relations with its neighbours must be most peaceful and fraternal. Otherwise, Eritrea can't be viable let alone become the Singapore of the region. But there is one important point. There can be gainful relations of cooperation only if Eritrea's neighbours can have confidence in the Eritrean regime. At present none of the neighbours has the necessary confidence in Isayas' regime. One can say with certainty that so long as this regime is in power, Eritrea's neighbours, especially Ethiopia, will not be genuinely disposed to have relations of cooperation or political association with Eritrea. In this connection the writer from Nairobi, Neville, observed the following: "If the Eritrean government does not come to its senses, which is a remote probability, or is not replaced by a visionary leadership with the right attitude towards regional cooperation, there is no doubt that the capacity and political will of the sub-region to get organised and jointly formulate and implement practical ways for economic cooperation will be in jeopardy". Hence, frankly speaking, both internal stability in Eritrea and regional cooperation and peace in the region require a change of regime in Eritrea. Certainly, such a change is necessary for the very viability of Eritrea as a serious political state. I can imagine friends of Eritrea everywhere -including in the Scandinavian countries- feeling somewhat troubled about the strife which the call for a change of regime in Eritrea might entail. This is understandable. But one hopes that such friends are -or will soon be- aware that the EPLF/PFDJ, which many of them sincerely supported in the past years, has made a mess of Eritrea. The project to straighten out the mess requires basic political change. Indeed, ladies and gentlemen, Eritrea is in urgent need of a new beginning. //-//

Monday, September 21, 2009

ህዝብን ሃገርን ንምድሓን ክግበር ዘለዎ መኸተ፤












ህዝብን ሃገርን ንምድሓን ክግበር ዘለዎ መኸተ፤ ሻቕሎት ብዛዕባ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ
ተስፋጽዮን መድሃኔ ብረመን፣ ፈደራላዊት ረፑብሊክ ጀርመን ነሓሰ 2009
__________________________________________________________________________ እዚ ዝስዕብ ጽሑፍ ብ1 ነሓሰ 2009 ዓ. ም.፡ ኣብ ከተማ ካስል፤ ፈደራላዊት ረፑብሊክ ጀርመን፡ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ መበል 24 ሰፊሕ-በዓል (ፈስቲቫል) ኤርትራ ዝተዋህበ ኣስተምህሮ ኢዩ። እዚ ጽሑፍ’ዝን እቲ ናይ ካስል መደረን ብትሕዝቶኡ (ቃል-ብቓል) ሓደ ኢዩ። እንተዀነ ግን እቲ መደረ ንማሕተም ኣብ ዝዳለወሉ ዝነበረ ጊዜ ትርጉም ናይ’ቲ ትሕዝቶ ፈጺሙ ዘይለወጠ፡ አዚዩ ውሑድ ዝዀነ ናይ ቃላትን ሓረጋትን ምምሕያሽ ተገይሩ ኣሎ። እዚ ጽሑፍ’ዚ ብኮምፒዩተር ተዳልዩ ንኽሕተምን ብመርበብ ሓበሬታ (ኢንተርነት) ንኽዝርጋሕን፡ ኣብ ኣውሮጳ ዝርከቡ ፈተውቲ ሃገሮም ዝዀኑ ኤርትራውያን ወሳኒ ምትሕብባር ገይሮም ኢዮም። ልባዊ ምስጋና አቕርበሎም። ተስፋጽዮን መድሃኔ
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ዝኸበርኩም ተሳተፍቲ ፈስቲቫል!! ኣቐዲመ ንኣዳለውቲ ናይ’ዚ ፈሰቲቫል፡ መልእኽቲ ንኸመሓላልፍ ብዝገበሩለይ ዕድመን ብዝኸፈቱለይ ዕድልን ምስጋናይ ከቕርበሎም እፈቱ። ከምቲ ዓሚ ዘስማዕኩዎ ምስክርነት፡ ሕጂ’ውን ፈስቲቫል ካስል፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ታሪኽ ኤርትራ - ከም ሓላይ ዲሞክራሲ ዝኾነ መድረኽ - ኣገዳሲ ምዕራፍ ኮይኑ ከምዝምዝገብ ዘለኒ ዕግበት ክገልጽ እደሊ። ካብ 1997 ንደሓር ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ካስል ኣብ ገለ እዋናት ሕጽር ዝበለ ርእይቶታት ኣስሚዔ እንተኾንኩ እኳ ብመልክዕ ስሩዕ መደረ ሎሚ ንፈለማ እዋን እዬ መልእኽቲ ዝፍኑ ዘለኹ። ኣብ’ዚ ናይ ሎሚ - ማለት መበል 24 ፈስቲቫል- ንኽምድር ሓሳብ ኣይነበረንን። እንተኾነ ግን ኣብ ሃገርና ኣዚዩ ዘሕዝን ኩነታት ሰፊኑ ከም ዘሎን፡ ገና’ውን ኣብ ልዕሌና ከቢድ ሓደጋታት ተንጠልጢሉ ምህላዉን፡ ስለ ዘስተብሃልኩ ንናይ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ ጸገማትና ብዝርኢ ናብ’ቲ ብዛዕባ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ዘሎ ሻቕሎት ዘትኮረ ሕጽር ዝበለ ንጹርን ልባውን መልእኽቲ ከመሓላልፍ ወሰንኩ። ናይ ሎሚ መልእኽተይ በቲ ምሒር ዘጉሂ ኩነታት ህዝብና ዝተደፋፍአ ኮይኑ፡ ንገሊኡ ሕቶታት ብዝርኢ ቃል-ዓለም ዘይብሉ ትሕዝቶ ዘለዎ እዩ። ከም’ዚ ንዝኣመሰለ መልእኽቲ፤ ምስ ኩሉ ትርጉማቱን ኣመታቱን፡ ከም ውልቀ-ሰባት ሓላፍነት ወሲድና ክንፍንዎ፡ እቲ ናይ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ ኩነታትና ንዓይን ንኸምዚ ኸማይ ብዕድመ ዝስጉሙ ዘለዉ ደቂ ሃገርን ብሓበራ ኣሰኪሙና ዘሎ ዕማም እዩ።
1. ኤርትራ ነጻ ወጺኣ ካብ እትበሃል ዛጊት 20 ዓመታት ቀሪቡ። ዳርጋ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ እትፍለ ጀሚራ ግን ኩነታታ እንዳጸልመተ ከይዱ፡ ሕጂ ኤርትራ መዳርግቲ ዘይብላ ገሃነም ኮይና ኣላ።ሕሰቡዎ! ሳላ ጃህራን መናፍሓትን ህ-ግንባር: ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ነጻነት ገነት ክትከውን’ያ ተባሂላ ትጽቢት ዝግበረላ ዝነበረ፡ ገሃነመ-እሳት ኮይና ክትርከብ ከላ ክሳብ ክንደይ ዘጉህን ዘሕፍርን ዘስደምምን ሙኻኑ!!
ምስ’ዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ ኣብ’ቲ ፈለማ ዓመታት ብወገን ብዙሓት ደቂ ሃገር ከመይ ዝበሉዎ ተስፋን ድሙቕ ትጽቢትን ከም ዝነበረ ብዙሓት ካባኻትኩም ትዝክርዎ ትኾኑ። ንኣብነት፡ ገዲም ተጋዳላይ ኣቶ ጸጋይ ካሕሳይ ካብ ስደት ንዓዲ ኣብ ዝኣተውሉ - ኣብ መወዳእታ 91 ወይ መጀመርያ 92 እዩ ይመስለኒ ኤርትራ ነጻ ወጺኣ ካብ እትበሃል ዛጊት 20 ዓመታት ቀሪቡ። ዳርጋ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ እትፍለ ጀሚራ ግን ኩነታታ እንዳጸልመተ ከይዱ፡ ሕጂ ኤርትራ መዳርግቲ ዘይብላ ገሃነም ኮይና ኣላ።ሕሰቡዎ! ሳላ ጃህራን መናፍሓትን ህ-ግንባር: ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ነጻነት ገነት ክትከውን’ያ ተባሂላ ትጽቢት ዝግበረላ ዝነበረ፡ ገሃነመ-እሳት ኮይና ክትርከብ ከላ ክሳብ ክንደይ ዘጉህን ዘሕፍርን ዘስደምምን ሙኻኑ!!
ምስ’ዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ ኣብ’ቲ ፈለማ ዓመታት ብወገን ብዙሓት ደቂ ሃገር ከመይ ዝበሉዎ ተስፋን ድሙቕ ትጽቢትን ከም ዝነበረ ብዙሓት ካባኻትኩም ትዝክርዎ ትኾኑ። ንኣብነት፡ ገዲም ተጋዳላይ ኣቶ ጸጋይ ካሕሳይ ካብ ስደት ንዓዲ ኣብ ዝኣተውሉ - ኣብ መወዳእታ 91 ወይ መጀመርያ 92 እዩ ይመስለኒ_“ኤርትራ ዕረ ውሒጣ፡ መዓር ጎሲዓ፡ ሳላ ጀጋኑ ደቃ“ ክብሉ ዘስምዕዎ ቅጭን ቃላት ይዝከረኒ። እዚ ኣገላልጻ’ዚ ነቲ በቲ እዋን’ቲ ኣብ ሃገርና ዝነበረ ድምር ሓጎስን ሓበንን እፎይታን ዝኾነ ዓይነታዊ ስምዒት ዘንጸባርቕ እዩ ኔሩ።
ኣቶ ጸጋይ በዚ ሎሚ ኣበይ ከም ዘለዉን፡ ብዛዕባ ህሉው ኩነታት ኤርትራ እንታይ ይብሉ ከም ዘለውን፡ ዝፈልጦ የብለይን። እቲ በዚ እዋን’ዚ ዘሎ ዓይነታዊ ስምዒት ናይ’ቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ዓዲ ዘሎ ህዝብና ግን ኣንጻር ናይ’ቲ ብ91-92 ዝነበረ፡ ንሶም ብንጽህና ዘንጸባረቕዎ እዩ። ሕጂ ከም እንርድኦ፡ ኤርትራ ብርግጽ ዕረ ውሒጣ’ያ፤ እንተኾነ ግን፡ ጀጋኑ ደቃ ንሓርነትን ንራህዋን ህዝብና ንወፈ ብዝብል ሕልና ክቡር ህይወቶም ሂቦም ክንሶም፡ ኤርትራ ሃገርና በዚ እዋን’ዚ መዓር ዘይኮነስ ካብ’ቲ ዝወሓጠቶ ኣዝዩ ዝመረረ ዕረ’ያ ትጎስዕ ዘላ! ኤርትራ መዓስ’ዩ ክርህዋ? መዓስ’ያ መዓር ክትጎስዕ? አረ ብመሰረቱ መዓስ’ያ ካብ ዕረ ምውሓጥ ትገላገል? ሕጅስ ዘይዕረ’ያ ትውሕጥ ዘላ ሃገርና!! ነዚ ሕቶታት’ዚ: በዚ ቃላት’ዚ እኳ እንተዘየቐመጥናዮ: ቅድሚ ሎሚ ደጋጊምና ኣልዒልናዮ ኔርና ኢና። “ህዝብን ሃገርን ንምድሓን ክግበር ዘለዎ መኸተ“ ብዝብላ ቃላት እኳ እንተዘይተገልጸ፡ እቲ ዕማማት እንታይ ምዃኑስ ደጋጊምና ተመያይጥናሉ ኢና። እንተኾነ ግን ህዝብን ሃገርን ገና ስለ ዘይደሓነ፡ መሊስና’ውን ንዛረበሉ፤ መሊስና ዓንገረር ንብለሉ!! ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ኣብ ኤርትራ ዲሞክራስን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን መታን ክሰፍን፡ ሉኣላዊት ኤርትራ ምስ ጎራባብታ እናተሳነየትን እናተኣሳሰረትን ጥጥሕትን ልምዕትን መታን ክትከውን፡ ህዝብና ከኣ ትርጉም ዘለዎ ቅሱን ህይወት መታን ከሕልፍ፡ እቲ ክትግበር ዘለዎ ናይ ቀረባን ናይ ርሑቕን መደባት እንታይ ከም ምዃኑ በብመድረኹ: ብተኸታታሊ: ተኻቲዕናሉን ተማራሚርናሉን ኢና። ሸቶ ወይ መዕርፎ ናይ’ዚ ተታሓሒዝናዮ ዘሎና ደረጃ ቃልሲ፡ ዘሎ ልሉይ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኩሉ ዝሳተፈሉ መንግስቲ ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ሙቛም ምዃኑን፡ እዚ ንኽብጻሕ ከኣ ቅድመ-ዝኣገረ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ - መንግስቲ ህግድፍ - ክእለ ከም ዘለዎን ካብ ነዊሕ እዋን ኣትሒዝና ዝተራዳዳእናሉ፡ ሕጂስ ዳርጋ ውሁብ ዝኾነ ነጥቢ እዩ። ንመንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ምልጋስ ዓቢ እጃም ክህልዎ ዝግባእ ከኣ እዚ ሕጂ ዘሎ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ እዩ። ካብ’ዚ ሓይልታት’ዚ እቲ ብሽሙን ብመልክዑን ዝዓበየ፡ እቲ ቅድም “ምሕዝነት“ ዝበሃል ዝነበረ፡ ሕጂ ድማ “ኪዳን“ ተባሂሉ ዝጽዋዕ ምትእኽኻብ ወይ ጽላላዊ ውድብ እዩ። “ምሕዝነት“ “ኪዳን“ ካብ ዝበሃል ዛጊት 10 ዓመታት ኮይኑ። እቲ ዝፈረየ ወይ ዝሰለጠ ግን ፈጺሙ ዝዕግብ ኣይኮነን፡ ኣሽምባይ’ዶ ከሐብን። ኣኼባታት’ባ፡ ወርክሾፕ’ባ ኣብ ኣዲስ-ኣበባ ይኹን ኣብ ካልእ ተገይሩ፡ ካብ መራሕቲ በዓል እገለ ኣብ’ቲ’ዶ ኣብ’ቲ ዑደት ፈጺሞም፡ ክበሃል እንተዘይኮይኑ ንመንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ንምእላይ ዝሃቀነ ጭቡጥ ስጉምትታት ክውሰድ፡ ምዕባለታት ክምዝገብ፡ ኣይረኣናን። ገለ ንጉዳይ ኤርትራውያን ዝከታተሉ ተመራመርቲ እውን፡ ነዚ ኩነታትና ኣስተብሂሎሙሉስ ትዕዝብትታቶም እውን ገሊጾም። ንኣብነት የማነ ናግሽ ዝተባህለ፡ ኣብ’ቲ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ዝሕተም ሪፖርተር ዝተባህለ መጽሔት፡ ኣብ ናይ ሕጂ - ማለት ናይ 19 ሓምለ 2009 - ሕታም፡ “ኤርትራና የተቃዋሚዎችዋ ተስፋ“ ብዝብል ኣርእስቲ ሓደ ዓንቀጽ ጽሒፉ ከም’ዚ ዝስዕብ ይብል: “ኤርትራ ውስጥ ያለው ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ ፋታ የሚሰጥ ኣይደለም፣ የኤርትራ ተቃዋሚዎች ግን ኮንፈረንስ ከመጥራትና ዛሬ ታርቀው ነገ ከመፋታት የዘለለ ተግባር ኣልፈጸሙም ተብለው ይተቻሉ። የኢሳያስ መንግስት ኤርትራን ወደ ትንሽ እስር-ቤት ቀይሯታል በሚባልበት ወቅት፡ ህዝቡን ይደርሱለታል ተብለው ተስፋ የሚጣልባቸው ተቃዋሚዎች ግን እርስ-በርሳቸው ሰጠላለፉና ሲዝናኑ ይታያል። ምናልባትም የኤርትራ መንግስት በሆነ ምክንያት የተወገደ እንደሆነ፤ ኤርትራን እንደ ኣገር መምራት ይችልላሉ ወይ? የሚል ጥያቄ ያጭራል“። እዚ ማለት ብሓጺሩ፡ ’ኩነታት ኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ህጹጽ ክነሱ እዞም ተቓወምቲ ግን ጉባኤ’ዶ ኮንፈረንስ ካብ ምጽዋዕ፡ ወግሔ ጸብሐ ነንሕድሕዶም ካብ ምባኣስን ምትዕራቕን ሓሊፎም ዝገበርዎ የብሎምን ተባሂሎም ይውቀሱ። መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ንኤርትራ ኣብ ቤት-ማእሰርቲ ቀይሩዋ ኣብ ዝርከብሉ እዋን፡ ንህዝቦም ከድሕኑ ኢዮም ተባሂሉ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሎም ተቓወምቲ ግን ነንሕድሕዶም ክተሓናኾሉን ክዛነዩን ኢዮም ዝረኣዩ። ብዝኾነ መንገዲ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ እንተወዲቑ፡ እዞም ተቓወምቲ ዝበሃሉ ንኤርትራ ከም ሃገር ክመርሕዋ’ዶ እንበር ይበቕዑ ኢዮም ኢልካ ዘሕትት’ዩ።“ (እዚ ቃል-ንቓል ዘይኮነስ ዝቐረበ ትርጉም ትሕዝቶ እቲ ጽሑፍ ኢዩ።) ኪዳን ዝድግፍኦ ሃገራት ኣለዋኦ እዩ ዝበሃል። ንሳተን ከኣ ኢትዮጵያን፡ ሱዳንን፡ የመንን እየን። እዘን ሃገራት እዚኣተን ንደገፈን ሰንዓ-ፎረም ብዝብል ስያሜ ዘዋፍራ፡ ኢሳያስ ንኽወድቕ ዝብህጋ ኢየን ይበሃላ። እንተኾነ ግን እዚ ኪዳንስ፡ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ኣብ ኤርትራ ንምምጻእ፡ ኣሽምባይ’ዶ ናይ ሰለስተ ጎረባብቲ መንግስታት ናይ ሓንቲ መንግስቲ እኳ ልባውን ኣድማዕን ደገፍ ዘለዎ ኣይመስልን።
ኣካይዳ ናይ’ዘን ሰለስተ መንግስታት እንተተዓዘብና፡ ዘተኣማምን ትሕዝቶ ከምዘይብሉ ንርኢ። መንግስቲ ሱዳን ደጋፊ ኪዳን ተባሂሉ ምስ ኢሳያስ ይተሓቛቖፍ፤ ቤት-ጽሕፈታት ተቓወምቲ ኤርትራውያን ይዓጹ፤ መንግስቲ የመን ቆስቋስን ተናኻስን ባህርያት ኢሳያስ ሕርሕራይ ገይሩ ዝፈልጥ ክነሱ ንኢሳያስ ምስ መንግስቲ ጁቡቲ ንኸተዓርቖ ይዋፈር፤ እቲ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኸኣ፡ ፕሮፖጋንዳኡ ብዘየገድስ፡ ብጭቡጥስ ኤርትራውያን ንኽውደቡ፡ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ንኽሕይሉ፡ ኮታስ ዕላዊ መደብ ኪዳን ንኽትግበር፡ ብዘተኣማምን መጠንን ዓይነትን ክተሓባበር ኣይርከብን። እዚታት ኩሉ የተሓሳስበካ’ሞ፡ እምበር’ዶ እዞም ሰንዓ-ፎረም ዝበሃሉ ጎራባብቲ መንግስታት ክሕግዙና ይድልዩ ኢዮም? ዶ’ምበር ክሕግዙና መደብ ኣለዎም? ገለ እከይ ተልእኾ ድኣ ከይህልዎም? ኢልካ ክትጠራጠር እቲ ኩነታት የገድደካ እዩ። ዝምድና ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ምስ ሰለስቲኡ ሃገራት እኳ እንተኾነ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ርኽክቡስ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ማለት ምስ’ቲ ብመለስ ዜናዊ ዝምራሕ መንግስቲ ኢዩ። ስለ’ዚ ንጉዳይ ኤርትራ፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ንተቓወምቲ ውድባትና፡ ብዝርኢ ስትራተጅን ኣካይዳን መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ እንታይ እዩ? እንታይ’ከ ይመስል? ኢልካ ምምርማር ኣድላዪ ኢዩ!!
2.
ቅድሚ ኣብ’ቲ ከርሰ-ነገር ምእታወይ ነዚ ብህውሓት ዝምራሕ መንግስቲ ብዝርኢ ከዘኻኽረኩም ዝደሊ ሓደ ነገር ኣሎ። ጽንሕ ኢለ ከም ዝጠቕሶ ውድብ ህ-ወያኔ ብግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣብ ልዕለይ ዘካየዶ ዘመተ ብዙሓት ካባኻትኩም ትፈልጥዎ ጉዳይ እዩ። እዚ ታሪኽ’ዚ ብዘየገድስ ኣነ ብ1991 ኣብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ለውጥታት ምስ ተመዝገበ ነቲ ኩነታት ብሓድሽ መንፈስ ክርእዮ ወሲነ፤ ብሓድሽ መንፈስ’ውን ርእየዮ። ብፍላይኳ ድሕሪ 1998 - ማለት ድሕሪ ተረኽቦ ባድመ - ተቓወምቲ ውድባትና ተመሓዝየን ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ኣፍራዪ ዝኾነ ዝምድና ንኽምስርታ፡ ዝምክሓሉ እኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ዓቕመይ ዝፈቕዶ ኣስተዋጽኦስ ገይረ እየ። ካብ እዋን ተረኽቦ ባድመ ጀሚረ ኣንጻር’ቲ ብመንግስቲ ኢሳያስን ደገፍቱን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝባዊ ወያኔን ህዝቢ ትግራይን ብሓፈሻ ዝካየድ ዝነበረ ናይ ምንእኣስን ምቁንጻብን መናፍሓት ዓቕመይን ጊዜይን ብዝፈቕዶ ተዋፊረ’የ። ሓው ንዝኾነ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ኤርትራውያን ከቛናጽብዎ ከለዉ ዓሻን ጉዳምን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እንታይነቱ ክጽናዕ ዘለዎ ሕማም እውን እዩ። ኣነ ነዚ ጸረ ተጋሩ ዝኾነ መናፍሓት ቅድሚ ሕጂ ብመትከል ተቓሊሰዮ’የ፤ ድሕሪ ሕጂ’ውን ክቃለሶ’የ። ሕማም ስለ ዝኾነ ከኣ፡ ብትሕዝቶ ታሪኽን ባህልን ዝተቓመመ መድሃኒት ንኽርከቦ እጃመይ ከበርክት ክፍትን’የ። እዚ ክብል ከለኹ ግን ኣነ እኹን ካልኦት ኤርትራውያን ብመራሕቲ ህ-ወያኔ፡ ወይ ካልኦት ተጋሩ፡ ወይ’ውን ብኻልኦት ኢትዮጵያውያን፡ ብዝኾነ መልክዕ ክንነኣኣስ ወይ ክንቆናጸብ፡ ቅቡል’ዩ ማለተይ ኣይኮንኩን፤ ብርግጽ ከኣ ቅቡል ኣይኮነን። እቲ ዝድለን ቅቡል ዝኾነን መንፈስ ሕድሕዳዊ ምክብባርን ምትሕልላይን’ዩ።
ምስ’ዚ ነጥብ’ዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ ቅድሚ ዓሚ፡ ማለት ብ2007 ዓ.ም፡ ገዲም ኣባልን መራሕን ህ-ወያኔ፡ ኣቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ንዝምድና ውድቡን ውድባት ኤርትራን ብዝርኢ ዘስምዖ ዘረባ ክዝክር እደሊ። ኣቶ ስብሓት ታሪኻዊ ኣማጻጽኣን ምዕባለን ውድቡ ክገልጽ ከሎ ህ-ወያኔ ንዓወት ቃልሲ ኤርትራ ንዝገብሮ ኣስተውጽኦ ብኣትኩሮት ኣስሚሩሉ። ካብ’ቲ ዘረብኡ እተን ሕጂ ዘገድሳና ነጥብታት እዘን ዝስዕባ እየን። 1. ህዝባዊ ወያኔ ሓርነት ትግራይ ንፍትሓውነት ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መኪቱ እዩ። ካብ ዝኾነ ኤርትራዊ ውድብ ንላዕሊ ህ-ወያኔ መኪቱ’ዩ ክበሃል ይከኣል በለ። ብዛዕባ ሕቶ ኤርትራ ካብ ኩሉ ውድባት ንላዕሊ“ተሪር፡ ቁልጡፍን ብሱልን’’ መልሲ ዝሃበ ህወሓት እዩ። ጀብሃ (ELF) ሸብረኽ ኢሉ ኔሩ እዩ፣ ምስ ደርጊ ምዝርራብ ጀሚሩ ኔሩ እዩ። ህዝባዊ ግንባር እውን ሸብረኽ ናይ ምባል፡ ወይ ንነጻነት ኤርትራ ናይ ምንጥልጣል ምልክታት የርኢ ኔሩ እዩ። በዚ ጉዳይ’ዚ “ኩሎም ውድባት ኤርትራ ተደሚሮም ማዕረ ህ.ወ.ሓ.ት ኣይመጹን“ ኢዮም ብምባል ንውድባት ኤርትራ ብዘነኣእስ ኣቀራርባ ተሓበነ። ንሕና ህዝባዊ.ወያኔ ንቓልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ደው እንተዘይንብለሉ እዘን ሸብረኽ በሃልቲ ውድባቱስ ምናልባት’ውን ምጠለማኦ ኔረን ዘስምዕ መልእኽቲ ኣብ ኣዘራርባ ኣቶ ስብሓት ተነጺሩ እዩ። 2. እቲ ካልኣይ ነጥቢ ኣቶ ስብሓት ህ-ወያኔ ሕጂ’ውን ንኤርትራ ክዋግኡላ ድሉዋት ምዃኖም ዘመልክት ኔሩ። ኣባሃህላ ኣቶ ስብሓት ህ.ወያኔ ንነጻነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መኪቱ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ንድሕሪ ሕጂ’ውን ነጻነት ኤርትራ ምስ ዝጥቃዕ ካብ ኩሉ ንላዕሊ ህ-ወያኔ’ዩ ክከላኸል። ቃል ብቓሉ እቲ ኣቶ ስብሓት ዝበሎ እዚ ዝስዕብ’ዩ ነይሩካብ ኢህኣደግ ዝመርሖ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ንላዕሊ ንነጻነት ኤርትራ ዝስለፍ፡ ዝማጎት ሕጂዉን የለን። ዋላ ሕዚ! ምኽንያቱ ፖለቲካዊ መርገጽ ክትናደድ እትስሕቦ፡ ክትሕጎስ እትድግፎ ኣይኮነን።ሕጂ ኣብ ምጥምማት ኩነታት እናሃሎና እውን፡ ኣይኹን እንበር ንኤርትራ ዝጻባእ ሓይሊ እንተተላዒሉ፡ ናይ ኢህኣደግ መንግስቲ ምስ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኮይኑ ንነጻነት ኤርትራ ከም ዝስለፍ እኣምን በለ። 3. እቲ ዘገድሰና ሳልሳይ ነጥቢ ንዓይ ዝምልከት፡ ቅድሚ ሎሚ’ውን መራሕቲ ህ-ወያኔ ዘዋፈርዎ ዘይርትዓዊ ዘረባ’ዩ ኔሩ።ሽመይ ከይጠቐሰ፡ ግን ዘረብኡ ብዛዕባይ ምዃኑ ብዘየጠራጥር ቛንቛ፡ ናብ’ቲ ብ1986 - ማለት ቅድሚ 23 ዓመት - ዝጸሓፍኩዎ መጽሓፍ ብምትዃር፡ ኣቶ ስብሓት ከም’ዚ ዝስዕብ በለቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣይዕወትን፤ ዘይዕወተሉ ምኽንያት ድማ ቅኑዕ ቃልሲ ኣይኮነን እቲ ነጻነታዊ ቃልሲ፡ ዝብል መጽሓፍ ተጻሒፉ ነይሩ!! ካላሽን ንቑልቁል ኣፉ ዝገበረ መጽሓፍ። እታ ካላሽን ንዓቐብ ጌርና 200፡ 300 ዝኣክል መጽሓፍ“ዩ ተጻሒፉ ብህ.ወ.ሓ.ት“. በለ። እተን ሎሚ መዓልቲ ኣሕጽር ኣቢለ ክዝክረን ዝደለኹ ነጥብታት ኣቶ ስብሓት እዘን ዝጠቐስኩወን’የን። እዚ ዘረባ ኣቶ ስብሓት ብቐሊሉ ዝርአ ኣይኮነን። ንኢትዮጵያውያን ዘሰከፎም ኣባሃህላ ኢዩ ኔሩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ኢትዮጵያውያን ተዓዛቦ ’’እንታይ ጉዱ ደኣ እዩ’ዚ፤ ካብ’ቶም ቀንዲ ሰበ-ስልጣን ኢትዮጵያ ክነስኻስ ንኤርትራ እሕለቕ’የ እንዳበልካ ዘረባ፤ እሞ ኸኣ ንህዝብካ ምስ ኤርትራ ኣብ ምትፍናን ኢና ዘሎና ኢልካ እንዳነገርካ! እንታይ ደልዎ ንዕቀት ንህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ፡ እንታይ ደልዎ ጉድለት ኢትዮጵያዊ ሓርበኝነት ኢዩ እዚ“ ብምባል ጓሂኦም ኣስሚዖም፡ ነቐፌትኦም ገሊጾም ኢዮም። ኤርትራውያን’ከ? ሀ/ ነቲ ቀዳማይ ነጥቡ ብዝምልከት፡ ንዓይ እቲ ኣዝዩ ዝገረመኒ ኣቶ ስብሓት ጀብሃ ሸብረኽ ኢላ ኔራ፤ሻዕብያ ኸኣ ሸብረኽ ናይ ምባል ምልክታት የርኢ ኔሩ እዩ፥ ካብ ውድባት ኤርትራ ንላዕሊ ንሕና ህ-ወያኔ ኢና ንነጻነት ኤርትራ ደው ዝበልናሉ ክብል ከሎ ዓገብ ዝበሎ ኤርትራዊ ውድብ ወይ ምንቅስቓስ ኣይነበረን። እተን ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ተሸምጢጠንን ተጸሪፈንን ደኣ ተረፋ እንበር፡ ነቔፌታስ ይትረፍ መኣረምታ ብዝብል ልስሉስ ቋንቋ እኳ ዘተምብሀኦ ነገር የብለንን። ብሒም ዝበለት ውድብ ኣይነበረትን። ስለምንታይ? እንታይ ዓይነት ተቓወምቲ ውድባት’የን እዚኣተን፤ ብፍላይ እተን ካብ ጀብሃ ዝተወለዳ ውድባት ንታሪኸንን ንመስዋእቲ ተጋደልተንን ክከላኸላሉ ኣይተረኽባን። እንታይ ውድባተን’የን እዚኣተን ንታሪኸን ዘይከላኸላ፡ ንስዉኣተን ዘየኽብራ፡ ዝብል ሕቶ እናጎሃኻ ክለዓል ናይ ግድን’ዩ። እዚ ሕቶ’ዚ ከይዱ ከይዱ ብዛዕባ’ዚ ብሽም ኪዳን ዝፍለጥ ምትእኽኻብ ገለ ጥርጠራታት ዝፈጥር ኢዩ። ብዛዕባ’ዚ ቁሩብ ጸኒሐ ገለ ሓሳባት ክእምት’የ። ሕጂ ከመሓላልፋ ዝደሊ ሓጻር መልእኽቲ ግን ኣላ። ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ገዛእ ርእሱ ንላዕሊ ንመሰሉ ደው ዝበለሉን ዝተሓለቐሉን ኣካል የልቦን። ካብ 1961 ጀሚርካ ውድባት ኤርትራ ዓቕመንን ኩነታተንን ብዝፈቐዶ መጠን ንመሰል ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተቓሊሰን ኢየን። ንህዝብና ዝጠለምኦ ናይ ውድባት መሪሕነታት ኣይነበራን ማለት ግን ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ኣቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ሕርሕራይ ገይሩ ከም ዝፈልጦ፡ ወይ ክፈልጦ ከም ዝግባእ፡ መሪሕነት ውድብ ህ-ግንባር ምስ ህ-ወያኔ ተሻሪኹን ሓደ ኮይኑን፡ ንጀብሃ ብሕሱም ዓጥቂዑ ክሳብ ሱዳን ምብራሩ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከቢድ ጥልመት’ዩ ነይሩ። ኣቶ ስብሓት ንሕና ህ-ወያኔ ኤርትራ ነጻነታ ከም እትረክብ ጌርና ኢና ዳርጋ እዩ ዝበለ። ሓቂ’ዩ ኤርትራ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ንኽትፍለ ምስ ህ-ግንባር ብምትሕብባር ህ-ወያኔ ዓቢ ግደ ነይሩዎም እዩ። እሞ እዚ ደኣ ኤርትራ ነጻ ንኽትከውን ወያኔ ዓቢ እጃም ኣበርኪቶም ኢዮም የብል ድዩ? ንኤርትራ ብዝርኢ እንታይ ግዲ’ዮም ኣሳሊጦም ወያኔ? እዚ ኣዝዩ ኣገዳሲ ዝኾነ ሕቶ.ዩ፤ ንጹርን ሓቀኛን መልሲ ከኣ የድልዮ። ህዝባዊ ወያኔ ኤርትራ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቁጽጽር ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኮይና ከም እትፍለን እትግዛእን ኢዮም ዝገበሩ፤እዛ ሕጂ ኣብ ኤርትራ ሰፊና ዘላ፡ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዝመካየዲኣ ገሃነመ-እሳት ንኽትትከል ኢዮም ዝገበሩ። እዛ ናይ ኤርትራ ኩነታት ናይ ነጻነት ኣይኮነት፡ ናይ ሓርነት ኣይኮነት። እዛ ኩነታት እዚኣ ናይ ባርነትን ሞትን ኩነታት’ያ። እንበኣር እዚ ንባርነትን ሞትን ተዳሪጉ ዘሎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንህዝባዊ ወያኔ ነጻነት’ዶ ሓርነት ኣምጺእኩሙልና ኢሉ ዘመስግነሉ ኣብነት የብሉን። ህ-ወያኔ ንጀብሃ ኣጥቂዖም ክሳብ ዶብ ሱዳን ዝደፍኡዋ፡ ብድሕሪኡ’ውን ምስ ህ-ግንባር ኮይኖም ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣንጻር ደርጊ ዝተዋግኡ፡ ብዝኾነ ትርጉም ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓልዮሙሉ ከይኮነስ ንጥቕሞም ኢሎም ኢዮም። እኳ ደኣ፡ ከም ዝበሃልስ፡ ምስ መራሕቲ ህ-ግንባር ዝተሰማምዑሉ፡ ንሓድነት ኤርትራ ዝጻባእ ናይ ርሑቕ መደብ ስለ ዝነበሮም ኢዩ። ነዚ ነጥቢ’ዚ ጸኒሐ ክምለሶ እየ። ለ/ ኣቶ ስብሓት ኣብ’ቲ ዘረብኡ ሕጂ እንተኾነ’ውን ካባና “ንላዕሊ ንነጻነት ኤርትራ ዝስለፍ የልቦን፣ ..... ንኤርትራ ዝጻባእ ሓይሊ እንተተላዒሉ ናይ ኢህኣደግ መንግስቲ ምስ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኮይኑ ንነጻነት ኤርትራ ከም ዝስለፍ እኣምን“ ክብል ገሊጹ’ዩ። ኣቶ ስብሓት “ንኤርትራ ዝጻባእ ሓይሊ“ ክብል ከሎ፡ ንኤርትራ ዘጥቅዕ፤ዝዕምጽ፤ ዝውጽዕ ማለቱ እዩ። ኣንጻር ከምዚ ዝበለ መጥቃዕቲ ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ክንስለፍ ኢና ክብል ከሎ ድማ፡ ሓልዮቱ ነቲ ህዝቢ’ዩ ኢለ እግምት - እቲ ህዝቢ ከይጭቆን፣ ከይምዝመዝ፣ ከይበርስ ዝብል ሓልዮት!! ስለ’ዚ እንበኣር፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዝኾነ ዓይነት፡ ብዝኾነ ኣካል ክጥቃዕ ከሎ ህዝባዊ ወያኔ ክካላኸሉሉ ድሉዋት’ዮም ማለት’ዩ። እዚ ኸኣ ዝጽላእ ኣይኮነን፤ ወዮ ተረኺቡ!! እሞ ሕጂ ደኣ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ይጥቃዕ እንድዩ ዘሎ! ኤርትራ ዕረ ትውሕጥ፡ ዕረ ትጎስዕ እንድያ ዘላ! ህዝብና ኣብ ታሪኹ ርእይዎ ዘይፈልጥ ጭቆናን መጥቃዕትን እንድ’ዩ ዘሕልፍ ዘሎ! ካብ ባዕዳዊ ወራርን መግዛእትን ዝሓስም ገሃነማዊ ኩነታት እንድ’ዩ ንህዝብና ዘሳቕዮ ዘሎ! ካብ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ንላዕሊ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝጻባእ ሓይሊ ኣሎ ድዩ? እንታይ ይገብር ኣሎ መንግስቲ ኢህኣደግ! እንታይ ይገብር ኣሎ መንግስቲ ህ-ወያኔ? ሕራይ፡ መንግስቲ ኢህኣደግ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ’ዚ ናይ ባርነትን ሞትን ኩነታት ክንገላግሎ ኢሉ ንኤርትራ ክወርር ኣይንጽበዮን። እቲ ተቓዋሚ ውድባት ንኽሰምር፡ ንኽዓቢ፡ ንኽሕይል፡ እሞ ኣድማዒ ንኽኸውን ዝከኣሎ ንኽገብር ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ጉዕዞ ቃልስታቱ እዉን ሙሉእ ብሙሉእ ንኽተሓባበሮ ግን ንጽበ ኢና - እንተድኣ ከም’ቲ ኣቶ ስብሓት ዝበሎ ኢህኣደግ ንኤርትራ ንዝጻባእ ሓይሊ ምስ ህዝቢ ኮይኑ ክምክቶ ኮይኑ። ህ-ወያኔ (ወይ ኢህኣደግ) ነዚ ዘይገብር እንተኾይኑ ግን ኣዘራርባ ኣቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ወይ ትርጉም የብሉን፡ ወይ ከኣ ካልእ - ማለት ንጥቕሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘየገልግል - ትርጉም’ዩ ዘለዎ ማለት’ዩ። ምስ እዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ ክጥቀስ ዘለዎ ሓደ ነጥቢ ኣሎ። ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣብ ዝተፋላለየ መድረኻት ከም ዝተራእየ፡ እዚ ሕጂ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኮይኑ ብእኒ ኣቶ መለስ ብእኒ ኣቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ዝምራሕ ህ-ወያኔ ንመንግስቲ ኢሳያስ - ነዚ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝጻባእ ዘሎ መንግስቲ - ኣብ ስልጣን ንኽመጽእን፡ ንኽህልውን፡ ንኽቕጽልን ሓጊዝዎን፡ ብወድዕነት ይሕግዞን ኣሎ፤ እንበር ኣይመከቶን፡ ኣይምክቶን’ውን ዘሎ። ከም እንፈልጦ፡ በዚ እዋን’ዚ፡ ገለ ውድባት ኤርትራ ዝኾነ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ - ማለት እንኮላይ ብረታዊ ኣገባብ - ተጠቒምና ንስርዓት ኢሳያስ በንቍስና ክንድርብዮ ኣሎና ይብላ፤ ገሊኤን ከኣ ብሰላማዊ ኣገባብ (ብዘተ) ጽገና መሳሊ ምስላጥ ምዃኑ እቲ ዕላምአን ይእምታ። ብዙሓት ኣብ ተቓዉሞ ውድባት ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን፡ ብፍላይ መሰረታት፡ ከም ዝብሉዎስ፡ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ናይ ዘሎ ህዝብና ኣራኣእያ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ምስ ዝኾነ ሓይሊ ተሓባቢርካ፡ ብብረት ይኹን ብዝኾነ ካልእ ኣገባብ ክእለ ዘለዎ እዩ ዝብል እዩ። እዚ ብእኒ ኣቶ መለስ፡ ብእኒ ኣቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ዝምራሕ መንግስቲ፡ ኤርትራውያን ተቓወምቲ ብብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንመንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ንኸልግስዎ ክተሓባበር ይኽእል’ዶ? ነዚ ንምምላሽ ሓደ ከነቕልበሉ ዘሎና ነገር ኣሎ። እዚ እዋን’ዚ ንኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ብዝምልከት ናይ ምጥምማት ወይ ምትፍናን እዋን ተባሂሉ እንተተገለጸ እኳ፡ መንግስቲ ህ-ወያኔ (ኢህኣደግ) ንኢሳያስ ብዕጥቂ ክምክቶ ከምዘይደሊ እኹል ምልክታት ንርኢ ኣሎና። ኩላትና ከም እንፈልጦ፡ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ነቲ ኣብ ዶብ ዘሎ፡ ከም ከልካል ጽሕታረ-ኲናት ዝተሓዝአ፡ 25 ኪሎ-ሜተር ዝጐድኑ መሬት ኣትዩዎ እዩ። ምስ’ዝን ምስ ካልኦት ጉዳያትን ብዝተተሓሓዘ ኣቶ መለስ ሕቶታት ክምልስ ከሎ “ኤርትራ (ማለት) ኢሳያስ ንውሽጢ ዓድና ሰራዊት ሰዲዱ ቅሉዕ ወራር እንተዘይኣካይዱ፡ ዝገበረ ይግበር ኣብ ውግእ ኣይንኣትውን ኢና“ ዝተሕዝቶኡ መርገጽ’ዩ ዘስምዐ። ውግእ ምስ ኢሳያስ ፈጺሙ ከም ዘይደሊ ገሊጹልና’ዩ። ንዓይ ከምዝመስለኒ፡ ውግእ ኣንጻር ኢሳያስ ንዝበሃል ነገር መንግስቲ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ፈጺሙ ዘይደልዮ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ተቓወምቲ ኤርትራውያን ንመንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ብዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ ንኸውድቕዎ ብሓቂ ክተሓባበሮም ዘሎ ዕድል ዝማህመነ’ዩ፣ ዳርጋ ፈጺሙ የለን። ኣብ ዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ ዘተኩር ኤርትራዊ ተቓዋሚ ውድባት ካብ’ዚ ብእኒ ኣቶ መለስ ብእኒ ኣቶ ስብሓት ዝምራሕ መንግስቲ ኢህኣደግ ልባዊ ምትሕብባር ዝረክብ፡ ወይ ክረክብ ዝኽእል፡ መሲሉ ኣይረኣየንን። ሐ/ እቲ ሳልሳይ ነጥቢ ናይ ኣቶ ስብሓት ንዓይ ዝምልከት ነይሩ። መራሕቲ ወያኔ፡ ንመሰል ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምጥባቕ ያኢ፡ እታ ካላሽን ንዓቐብ ገይሮም “ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቁልቁል ኣፉ ኣይድፋእን“ ዘርእስቱ መጽሓፍ ብምዝርጋሕ መልሲ ከም ዝሃቡ ብሓበን ገሊጹ።
ንእግረ-መንገደይ ኣብ’ዚኣ ሓንቲ ሓበሬታ ክህበኩም። ነዚ ዝተባህለ ናይ መሪሕነት ወያኔ መጽሓፍ ዘዳለወ ኣቶ መለስ ዜናዊ ምዃኑ ገዲም ተጋዳላይ ህ.ወ.ሓ.ት ኣስገደ ገብረስላሴ ብትግርኛ ኣብ ዝጸሓፎ መጽሓፍ፡ ከምኡ ኸኣ ኣቶ ካሕሳይ በርሀ፡ ተቐማጣይ ጀርመን፡ ብቛንቋ እንግሊዝ ኣብ ዘሕተሞ መጽሓፍ ተገሊጹ ኣሎ። እዚ ኣቶ መለስ ዝጸሓፎ፡ ንዓይ ንምክፋእ ዝህቅን፡ ዘይተኣደነ ጸርፍን ወቐሳን ዝመልኦ ማህደር፡ ናይ ኣቶ መለስን ገለ ካልኦት መራሕትን እንበር፡ ናይ መሰረታት ተጋደልቲ ወያኔን ደገፍቱን መንፈስ ኣየንጸባርቕን’ዩ። ኣቶ መለስ ነቲ መጽሓፍ’ቲ ብምጽሓፉ “ዝበዝሕ ተጋዳላይ ህ.ወ.ሓ.ትን ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝነብር ደጋፊ ህ.ወ.ሃ.ትን ደስ ኣይበሎን“ ኢሉ ኣስገደ ገብረስላሴ፡ ኣብ ገጽ 142 ናይ’ዛ ጋህዲ (ክፍሊ.1) ትብል መጽሓፉ ነጊሩና ኣሎ።
ኣነ ኣብ’ቲ መጽሓፍ ዘስፈርኩዎ ናይ ፍታሕ ርእይቶ ንኤርትራውያን ዝጠቅም እንታይ እዩ ካብ ዝብል ሓልዮት ዝተበገሰ እዩ ነይሩ። ከም ሓደ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ፡ ንዓና ንኤርትራውያን፡ ኩነታትና ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው፡ ብዝበለጸ ዝጠቕመና ፍታሕ እዚ’ዩ ኢለ እቲ ቅኑዕ መሲሉ ዝተራእየኒ ሓሳባት ክገልጽ መሰለይ እዩ። መራሕቲ ህ-ወያኔ ነቲ መጽሓፈይ ክጻረርዎ ከለው ንጥቕሞም ዝርኢ ምኽንያት ስለ ዝነበሮም ኢዩ። ነዚ ንምርዳእ ዕላማ ወይ ሸቶ ህ-ወያኔ እንታይ ከም ዝነበረ ምዝካር የድሊ። ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ዕላማ ወያኔ ንደርጊ ምወዳቕ.ዩ ዝነበረ። ዕላማ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ግን ንመንግስቲ ኣዲስ-ኣበባ (ናይ ሃይለስላሴ ይኹን ናይ ደርጊ) ምውዳቕ ኣይኮነን ዝነበረ። ዕላማ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ነጻነት፡ ወይ ከኣ ምርግጋጽ መሰል-ርእሰ-ውሳኔ ኤርትራ ኢዩ ዝነበረ።
ህ-ወያኔ ንደርጊ ናይ ምልጋስ፡ ደሓር ከኣ መንግስታዊ ስልጣን ንናይ ምሓዝ፡ ዕላምኦም ንሰውራ ኤርትራ ተመርኲሶም ጥራይ ኢዮም ከዐውትዎ ዝኽእሉ ዝነበሩ። ስለ’ዚ ንጥቕሚ ህ-ወያኔ ዕላማ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ክቕየር ነይሩዎ። ግብራዊ ዕላማ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ብቐዳምነት ንደርጊ ምውዳቕ ክኸውን ነይሩዎ ማለት’ዩ። ስለ’ዚ ደርጊ ኣብ ስልጣን እንከሎ ጉዳይ ኤርትራ ብፈደረሽን ወይ ብዝኾነ ካልእ መንገዲ (እንኰላይ ብሙሉእ ነጻነት) ንኽፍታሕ ዝቐርብ ርእይቶ ኣንጻር ጥቕሚ ህ-ወያኔ ኢዩ ነይሩ። በዚ ምኽንያት’ዚ፡ መራሕቲ ወያኔ ንጥቕሞም ኢሎም ነቲ ኣነ ዘቕረብኩዎ ሓሳብ እንተተቓለስዎን እንተኣካፍኡዎን ዘገርም ኣይኮነን። ኣስተውዕሉ! ህ-ወያኔ ኣብ ስልጣን ደይቦም ዘለው እኮ ንሰውራ ኤርትራ ምርኩስ ጌሮም’ዮም። ድሕሪ ምስጓግ ጀብሃ ብህ-ግንባር ዝተዓብለለ፡ ብሽም “ኤርትራ“ ዝቐጸለ ብረታዊ ምንቕስቓስ፡ ዕላምኡ ናብ ምውዳቕ ደርጊ ተቐይሩ፡ ደርጊ ንኽወድቕ እሞ ህ-ወያኔ ኣብ ኣዲስ-ኣበባ ስልጣን ንኽሕዙ ኢዩ ዘገልገለ። በዚ ምኽንያት’ዚ ኢየ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ኣብ ዘመሓላለፍኩዎ ገሊኡ መልእኽትታት፡ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ተጨውዩ፡ ናይ’ቶም ንደርጊ ኣውዲቖም ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ስልጣን ክሕዙ ዝደልዩ ኣካላትን ደገፍቶም ዝኾኑ ምዕራባውያን ሓይልታትን መሳርሒ ኮይኑ’ዩ፡ ዝበልኩኹም።
ብሓጺሩ እምበኣር፡ መራሕቲ ህ-ወያኔ ደገፍቲ ምፍላይ ኤርትራ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ወይ ከኣ በቲ ንሳቶም ዝመረጽዎ ቋንቋ፡ ደገፍቲ “ነጻነት ኤርትራ“ ዝኾኑ እሞ ነቲ መጽሓፈይ’ውን ዝተቓወምዎ፡ ንጥቕሞም ኢሎም’ዮም እምበር ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓልዮም ኣይኮኑን።
ከም እትዝክርዎ፡ እቲ ኣነ ቅድሚ 23 ዓመት፡ ሕጂ’ውን ንእግረ-መንገደይ ሓንቲ ኣገዳሲት ሓበሬታ ክህበኩም። ነቲ ሽዑኡ ዝነበረ ኩነታት ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው፡ ዘቕረብኩዎ ሓሳብ፡ ኤርትራ ንኽትፍለ መሰል እንተለዋ እኳ፡ እቲ ንኹላትና ዝሐሸ ፍታሕ ሓቀኛ ፈደረሽን ኢዩ ክኸውን ዝኽእል ዝብል ኢዩ ኔሩ። በቲ እዋን’ቲ ኤርትራ እንተዘይተፈልያ ኢሎም ሑሕ ዝብሉ ዝነበሩ ዓበይቲ ካድራት ህ-ግንባር፡ ሕጂ፡ ኤርትራ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ክትፍለ ኣይነበራን፤ ምፍላይ ጌጋ’ዩ ነይሩ፡ እናበሉ ጣዕሳኦም ይገልጹ ኣለው። ነዚ ጣዕሳ’ዚ፡ እንዳጎሃዩ፡ ንኢትዮጵያውያንን ንኣመሪካውያንን ይገልጽዎ ከም ዘለዉ፡ ብጽሑፍ ከይተረፈ፡ ካብ ኣብ ኣመሪካ ዘለዉ ዓበይቲ ምሁራት ተነጊሩኒ ኣሎ። ገለ ካብ’ዞም ሕጂ ተጣዒስና ኢና፤ ኤርትራ ክትፍለ ኣይነበራን፡ እናበሉ ቅድሚ 23 ዓመት ዘስማዕኩዎ መርገጽ ቅኑዕ ከም ዝነበረ ብተግባር ዝምስክሩ ዘለዉ ዓበይቲ ካድራት ህ-ግንባር፡ ንጽሑፋተይ ዝኹንኑ ዝነበሩ ኢዮም
ነዛ ኣርእስቲ’ዚኣ ክድምድማ፡ ንኣቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ይኹን ንኣቶ መለስ ዜናዊ ወይ ንዝኾነ ካልእ ኣብ መሪሕነት ህ.ወ.ሓ.ት ንዘሎ ኣካል ክብሎ ዝደሊ እዚ ኢዩ። ንሕና ኤርትራውያን መሰል ርእሰ-ውሳኔ ኣሎና፤ ብመሰረት እዚ መሰል’ዚ፡ ብፍታውናን ብነጻ ድልየትናን፡ ምስ ዝኾነ ጎረቤት ሃገር፡ ንዓና ይጥቕመና’ዩ ዝበልናዮ ዓይነት ዝምድና ክንገብር ንኽእል ኢና፣ - ምስ ሱዳን ድዩ፡ ምስ ጅቡቲ ድዩ፡ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ድዩ፡ ምስ ዝኾነ ጎረቤት - ዝመረጽናዮ ዓይነት ዝምድና ካብ ምግባር፡ ብዝኾነ መንገዲ ክኽልክለና መሰል ዘለዎ ኣካል የልቦን። 3. ሕጂ ኤርትራ ኣብ ምንታይ ኩነታት ትርከብ ከም ዘላ ብዙሓት ደቂ-ሃገር፡ ብመንፈስ ጓህን ሓልዮትን፡ ይገልጽዎ ኣለዉ። በዚ እዋን’ዚ ሃገርና ንኸቢድ ሓደጋ ተሳጢሓ፡ እኳ ድኣ ኣብ መንገዲ ጥፍኣት፡ ከም ዘላ ንብዙሓት ካባና ብሩህ ኮይኑ፡ ሕጂ ኣነ ከትኩረሉ ደልየ ዘለኹ ነጥቢ ንምድኻምን ምምሳንን ኤርትራዊ ሃገራውነት ዝርኢ ኢዩ። ኣብ ኤርትራ ድኽነት፡ ጥምየት፡ ሕማም፡ ማእሰርትን፡ ካልእ ጭቆናን፡ ምስ’ዚ ኹሉ ዝተተሓሓዘ ጭንቀትን ስለ ዝበዝሐ፡ እቲ ነጻነት ዝበሃልስ ይትረፍ እቲ ሃገር ብቐንዱ ትርጉም ይስእን ኣሎ። ብርግጽ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራውነት ይብለል ኣሎ። ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ውሽጢ ዓዶም ብኤርትራውነቶም ክሕበኑ ኣይከኣሉን። ንኽሕበኑ መበገሲ ስኢኖም!! ብተወሳኺ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንኸይሰምር መታን ገለ ውጥናት ብረቂቕን ዝተሓላለኸን ኣገባባት ይትግበር ኣሎ። እዚ ውጥናት ወይ መደባት እዚ ንህዝብና ብዝተፈላለየ መዳያት ነንሕድሕዱ ከም ዝጠራጠር ብምግባር ንሓድነቱን ሃገራውነቱን የዳኽሞ ኣሎ። ምስ’ዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ ነቲ በዚ እዋን’ዚ ዝትግበር ዘሎ ናይ ኣስገዳድ ሰፈራ ክጠቅስ እደሊ። ሰብ ከበሳ ካብ ዓድታቶም ብሓይሊ ተደፊኦም ኣብ ባርካን ጋሽን ከምዝሰፍሩ ይግበር ኣሎ። እዚ ንህዝብና ነንሓድሕዱ ዘፋልሶ ስለዝዀነ፡ ኣጥቢቕካ ክኹነን ዘለዎ’ዩ። መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ብዝትግብሮ ዘሎ ፖሊሲ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራውነትን ሓድነትን ብውሽጢ ይዳኸም ኣሎ። ብወጻኢ ከኣ ንሓድነት ኤርትራ ዝብድህ፡ እኳ ደኣ ዝፍርፍር፡ ኣምራትን መደባትን ኣሎ። ሓደ ካብ’ቲ ምስ’ዚ ሓሳባትን መደባትን ዝተተሓሓዘ ተኣፋፊ ጉዳያት እቲ መሰል ብሄራት ክሳብ ምፍላይ ዝብል ፖሊሲ ኢዩ። እዚ ፖሊሲ እዚ መርገጽ ናይ ገሊአን ውድባትና ኮይኑ፡ ምስ ስትራጂ ናይ ህ.ወ.ሓ.ት ዝተዛመደ ይመስል። ሕቶ ብሄረ-ሰባትና ኣገዳሲ ኢዩ። ኣገዳስነቱ ዓቢ ስለዝኾነ ገለ መጽናዕትታት ተገይሩሉ ኢዩ። ሓደ ካብ’ቲ መጽናዕትታት ኣብ’ቲ ኣነ ኣቦ መንበር ዝነበርኩሉ ሽማግለ ማኒፈስቶ ካስል፡ ብ 2006 ዓ.ም ዘዳለዎ ‘ንሃገራዊ ዋዕላ’ ዝርኢ ሰነድ፡ ከም ጥብቆ ተለቂቡ ዘሎ ጽሑፍ ኢዩ። መሰል ብሄረ-ሰባት እንታይ ምዃኑን፡ ምስ ሓድነት ኤርትራ ብዝሳነ ኣገባብ ብኸመይ ከምዝትግበር ከኣ ኣብ’ቲ ጥብቆ ተገሊጹ ኣሎ። ኣንብብዎ!! ብመሰረቱ ክፍለጥ ዘለዎ፡ መሰል ርእሰ ውሳኔ ብፖለቲካዊ ሸነኹ ናይ ምፍላይ መሰል ጥራይ ከምዘይኮነ ኢዩ። ናይ ምዝማድን ምሕባርን መሰል እውን ኢዩ። ሓደ ሃገር ወይ ብሄረ-ሰብ ወይ ህዝቢ ብፍታዉ ምስ ካልእ ክሓብር ወይ ክዛመድ ሉኡላዊ መሰል ኣለዎ። እዚ እውን መሰለ ርእሰ ውሳኔ ኢዩ። እዛ ኣብ ናይ ምፍላይ ሸነኽ እትጸቅጥ፡ ንመሰል ርእሰ ውሳኔ ትምልከት ናይ ገሊአን ውድባትና ፖሊሲ፡ እንታይ ኢዩ መግለጺኣ? ብግምት ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ተንቀሳቀስቲ ፖለቲካ፡ እዛ ፖሊሲ እዚኣ ምስ ጥቕምን ስትራተጂን ህ-ወያኔ ዝተዛመደት ኢያ ትመስል። ነዚ ነጥቢ እዚ ንምብራህ፡ ባህርያት ዝምድና ህ-ወያኔን ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራን ምርዳእ የድሊ። ኣብ’ዚ ቀረባ ዓመታት፡ ማለት ድሕሪ 2000 ዓ.ም፡ ኣፈ-ጉባኤ ቤት ምኽሪ ክልላዊ መንግስቲ ትግራይ፡ ዶክተር. ሰሎሞን ዕንቋይ፡ ‘ጥልመት’ ብዝብል ኣርእስቲ ሓደ መጽሓፍ ጽሒፎም። ኣብ’ቲ መጽሓፍ፡ ‘ምትሕግጋዝ ምስ ውድባት ኤርትራ’ ዘርእስቱ ሓደ ምዕራፍ ኣሎ። ኣብ’ዚ ምዕራፍ እዚ (ኣብ ገጽ 57) ዶክተር ሰሎሞን ከምዚ ይብሉ። “ቀንዲ ዕላማ ምትሕግጋዝ ውድባት ዓቕምኻ ኣወሃሂድካ ንጸላኢ ምድኻም፡ ኢልካ’ውን ቃልሲ ክሓጽር፡ ብዓወት ተጸንቢሉ ዕላማኻ ሸቶኡ ክወቅዕ ምግባር ኢዩ። ዕላማ ናይ እቲ ኣብ እዋን ቃልሲ ኣብ መንጎ ህ.ወ.ሓ.ትን ውድባት ኤርትራን ዝነበረ ምትሕግጋዝ እዚ ኢዩ ዝነበረ። ይኹን እምበር ከም’ቲ እናረኣናዮ ዝመጻእና ግን፡ ኣብ’ዚ ዓቢይን ወሳንን ዝኾነ ቁም-ነገር፡ ውድባት ኤርትራ ኣብ ምትሕግጋዝ ዘርእያኦ ዝነበራ ባህርይ፡ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ጥቕሚ ዘተኮረ ዘይኮነስ ብዓይኒ ዓርሰ-ጥቕሚ ጥራሕ ነይሩ።” ሕጽር ብዝበለ ኣገላልጻ፡ ዶክተር ሰሎሞን ውድባት ኤርትራ ንናይ ገዛእ ርእሰን ጥቕሚ ኢለን ጥራይ ኢየን ምስ ህ-ወያኔ ዝተሓጋገዛ ዝነበራ ኢዮም ዝብሉና ዘለዉ። ንናይ እዋን ቃልሲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ክከላኸለለን ኢለ ኣይኮንኩን ነዚ ኣበሃህላ ዶክተር ሰሎሞን ዝጠቕሶ ዘለኹ። ውድባት ኤርትራ ንጥቕመን ኢለን ኣይኮናን ምስ ህ-ወያኔ ዝዛመዳ ዝነበራ ኢለ ክምክት ኣይደልን ኢየ። ነዘን ውድባት ብዝርኢ፡ ኣበሃህላ ዶክተር. ሰሎሞን ሓቂ ክኸውን ይኽእል ኢዩ። ውድብ ህ-ግንባር ክትጥቀም ጥራይ ኢላ ትዛመድ ከምዝነበረት ፍሉጥ ኢዩ። እታ ጀብሃ’ውን ከምኡ ክትገብር ፈቲና ነይራ ትኸውን፡ ወዮ ደኣ ኣይከኣለትሉን እምበር!! ኣብዚ ኣበሃህላ ዶክተር ሰሎሞን ንዓይ ዘተሓሳስበኒ ዘሎ እዚ ዝስዕብ ኢዩ። ዶክተር ሰሎሞን ‘ውድባት ኤርትራ ንናይ ገዛእ ርእሰን ጥቕሚ ጥራይ ኢየን ዝዛመዳና ዝነበራ’ ክብሉ ከለዉ ‘ንሕና ህ-ወያኔ ግን ንናይ ገዛእ ርእስና ጥቕሚ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ንናይ ሓባራዊ ጥቕሚ ኢና ንዛመድ ዝነበርናን ዘሎናን፡ እትብል መልእኽቲ ኢዮም ዝፍንዉ ዘሎዉ። እዛ መልእኽቲ እዚኣ ተኣማኒት ኣይኮነትን፡ ሓቅነት ኮነ ቅንዕና የብላን። እቲ ሓቂ እዚ ኢዩ - ህ-ወያኔ እውን ምስ ውድባት ኤርትራ ክዛመዱ ከለዉ፡ ቀደም ይኹን ሎሚ፡ ንጥቕሞም ኢሎም ኢዮም። ነቲ ዝምድና ብመንጽር ናይ ገዛእ ርእሶም ጥቕሚ ኢዮም ዝርእይዎ፣ ብፍላይ ምስ ናእሽቱን ድኹማትን ውድባት ዝገብርዎ ዝምድና ብመሰረቱ ኣብ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሶም ጥቕሚ ጥራይ ዘተኮረ ኢዩ። እዘን ካብ ነዊሕ ዓመታት ጀሚረን፡ ምስ ህ-ወያኔ ጽኑዕ ዝምድና ዘለወን፡ መሰል ርእሰ ውሳኔ ክሳብ ምፍላይ ንዝብል ኣምር ኣትሪረን ዝጣበቓ ውድባት ኤርትራ፡ ብዕብየት ኮነ ብዓቕሚ፡ ምስ ህ-ወያኔ ዝማዓራረያ ኣይኮናን። ጽግዕተኛታት እምበር ብማዕርነትን ክብረትን ዝረኣያ፡ መጻምድቲ ህ-ወያኔ ክኾና ኣይክእላን ኢየን። ካብ’ዚ ተበጊሶም፡ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ተዓዛቦ፡ እዚ መሰል ብሄራት ክሳብ ምፍላይ ዝብል ኣምር ዝጽቀጠሉ ዘሎ፡ ምስ’ቲ ናይ ህ-ወያኔ መደብ ዝሳነ ስለዝኾነ ኢዩ ይብሉ።
4. ህ-ወያኔ ካብ ጊዜ ብረታዊ ገድሊ ጀሚሮም ንመደቦምን ጉዕዞኦምን ብመሰረት ናይ’ቲ መሰል ርእሰ ውሳኔ ብሄራት ክሳብ ምፍላይ ዝብል ኣምር ኢዮም ዘካየድዎ። ሕጂ እንተኾነ እውን ህ-ወያኔ መንግስታዊ ስልጣን ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ሒዞም፡ ነታ ዓዲ ብብሄራዊ መስመራት ናብ ዝቖማ ክልላት ከም እትከፋፈል ገይሮም፡ ነዚ ብሄረ-ሰባዊ ምክፍፋል’ዚ ሕጋውነት ኣልቢሱ መሰል ብሄራት ክሳብ ምፍንጫል ዝፈቅድ ሕገ መንግስቲ ከም ዝጸድቕ ገይሮም። ብዙሓት ተዓዘብቲ ህ-ወያኔ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ስልጣን ምጽናሕ ምስ ዘይክእሉ ገለ ምኽንያት ገይሮም፡ ነዛ ሕገ መንግስቲ ተጠቒሞም ንትግራይ ክፈልይዋ ክፍትኑ ኢዮም ዝብል ግምት ወይ ጥርጠራ ኣለዎም። ቅድሚ ዓሚ - ማለት ብ 2007 ዓ.ም - ነዚ ጥርጠራ እዚ ዘደልድል ኣቶ ስብሃት ነጋ ዝተዛረቦ ነጥቢ ነይሩ። ብኣምሓርኛ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ቃል-መሓትት ኣቶ ስብሃት “ይህ ኮንስቲቱሽን ከተነካ የኢትዮጵያ ኣንድነት የሚባል ነገር የለም”፣ “ኮንስቲቱሽኑን የሚያደናቅፍ ከመጣ እንበታተናለን”፣ “ኮንስቲቱሽን ከተቀማን ለቀማን ጦርነት እናውጃለን”፤ ወዘተ፡ ወዘተ በለ። እዚ ማለት፡ እዛ ሕገ መንግስቲ እንተተቀዪራ ውግእ ክንእውጅ ኢና! ንኢትዮጵያ ፋሕ ከነብላ ኢና! ማለት ኢዩ። ብንጹር ኣዘራርባ ግን፡ ንሕና ንኢትዮጵያ ዘይንመርሓ እንተዀንና ክንፍለ ኢና! ክንፈላልያ ኢና! ማለት ኢዩ። ነቲ ኣብ’ቲ ሕገ መንግስቲ ኣስፊሮሞ ዘለዉ፡ መሰል ብሄረ-ሰባዊ ዞባታት ክሳብ ምፍላይ ዝብል ኣምር፡ ካብ ስልጣን እንተወሪድና ንኢትዮጵያ ፋሕ ከነብላ ኢና! ንትግራይ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ክንፈልያ ኢና! ኢሎም ንምፍርራሕ እሞ ኣብ ስልጣን ንምጽናሕ ይጥቀሙሉ ኣለዉ። እዚ መሰል ብሄራት ክሳብ ምፍላይ ዝብል መደብ ገለ ውድባት ኤርትራ ምስ’ዚ ናይ ህ-ወያኔ ንኢትዮጵያ ፋሕ ከነብላ ኢና፡ ንትግራይ ክንፈልያ ኢና! ዝብል ዘፈራርሕን ዘፍርሕን ፖሊሲ ዝተዛመደ ኢዩ። ስለዝኾነ ኸኣ የሰክፈና ኢዩ፡ ንዓይ ብርግጽ የሰክፈኒ ኢዩ። ንስከፈሉ ምኽንያት፡ ንፖሊሲ ምዕራባውያን ሓይልታትን ንታሪኽ ዝምድና ግንባርን ወያኔን ብዝምልከት፡ ብዛዕባ መጻኢ ዕድል ኤርትራ ኣሻቓሊ ጸብጻባት ስለዘሎ ኢዩ። ብፖሊሲ ምዕራባውያን ሓይልታት ክጅምር፡ ኣብ መፋርቕ ናይ 70ታት፡ ኣመሪካውያንን ተሓባበርቶምን ደርጊ ዝወድቀሉ መንገዲ ይደልዩ ነይሮም። ሓደ ንስትራተጂኦም ዝጸለወ ሓሳብ ወይም እማመ እቲ ጆን ስፐንሰር ዝተባህለ፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ንነዊሕ እዋን ዝሰርሐ ኣመሪካዊ፡ ዘቕረቦ ነይሩ። ስፐንሰር ነቲ እማመኡ ብኸምዚ ሰረቶ። ንደርጊ ከውድቑ ዝኽእሉ ሓይልታት እቶም ንነጻነት ኤርትራ ዝቃለሱ ዘለዉ ውድባት ኢዮም። እንተኾነ ግን ነጻነት ኤርትራ ኣንጻር ጥቕሚ እስራኤል ብሙዃኑ ኣመሪካ ትድግፎ ዕላማ ኣይኮነን። ብተወሳኺ፡ ኤርትራ ከም ፍልይቲ ሃገር ነብሳ ትኽእል ኣይኮነትን። ጸረ ደርጊ ምንቅስቃስ ኣብ ኤርትራ ግን ብሽም ነጻነት ጥራይ ኢዩ ክቕጽል ዝኽእል፡ እምበር ብሽም ኣውቶኖሚ ወይ ካልእ ኣይኮነን። ስፐንሰር ካብ’ዚ መበገሲ ሓሳብ እዚ ተላዒሉ ነዚ ዝስዕብ እማመ ኣቕረበ። እቲ ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝህቅን ምንቅስቃስ ክሳብ ደርጊ ዝወድቕ ሶቭየት ሕብረት ከኣ ካብ’ቲ ዞባ ክሳብ ተልግስ፡ ናይ ኣመሪካን እስራኤልን ስትራትጂካዊ ጥቕሚ ከይሃሰየ ይቐጽል። ኤርትራ ነጻ ምስ ወጸት ግን ናይ ምፍንጫልን ኣውቶኖምን መደብ ይትግበር። እዚ ማለት ኤርትራ ነጻ ሃገር ተባሂላ ንቁሩብ እዋን ምስ ጸንሐት ብኸምዚ ዝስዕብ ትመቓቐል፡ እቲ ከበሳን ደንከልን፡ ካብ ባጽዕ ጀሚርካ ንደቡብ ዘሎ ገማግም ቀይሕ ባሕርን ንኢትዮጵያ ይወሃብ፡ ኣካል ኢትዮጵያ ኮይኑ ግን ኣውቶኖሚ (ውሽጣዊ ምምሕዳር) ይህልዎ። እቲ ምዕራባዊ ቆላን ሳሕልን ከኣ ንሱዳን ይወሃብ። ከምዚ ኢላ ኤርትራ ፋሕ ትብል ትጠፍእ። ኣመሪካን ካልኦትን ንግንባርን ወያኔን ብረቂቕ ኣገባብ ዝደገፉዎም ንስትራተጂ እስራኤልን ኣመሪካን ዘገልግል፡ ከይዱ ኸይዱ ግን ንኤርትራ ፋሕ-ብትን ዘብል ዕላማ ንምዕዋት ክኸውን ከም ዝኽእል ኣብ’ቲ ብ1986 ዘሕተምክዎ መጽሓፍ ገሊጸ ነይረ። እዚ እማመ’ዚ ምስቲ ንታሪኽ ዝምድና ግንባርን ወያኔን ዝርኢ ገለ ጸብጻባት ክድመር ከሎ፡ ስኽፍታና ይተርር። ካብ 70ታት ጀሚርካ መሪሕነታት ግንባርን ወያኔን ዝተሰማምዑሉ፡ ንኤርትራ ፋሕ-ብትን ከብል ዝኽእል መደብ ኣሎ ዝብል፡ ሸለል ክትብሎ ዘይከኣል ሓበረታ ነይሩን ኣሎን። ብመሰረት ናይ’ቲ ሓበሬታ፡ እቲ ስምምዕ ንትግራይ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ፈሊኻ፡ ንኤርትራ ከኣ ፈናጪልካ ትግራይ-ትግርኚ ዝትሕዝቶኡ ሃገር ንምምስራት’ዩ። እዚ ኣሎ ዝበሃል ዘሎ መደብ ትግራይ-ትግርኚ ንኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ሓደገኛ ኢዩ። ንኽልቲአን ሃገራት ፋሕ-ብትን ዘብል ኢዩ። ኤርትራ ክትፈናጣሕ ንዝብል መደብ ኣትሪርና ንጻረሮ። ሓድነት ኤርትራ ንኽሕሎ ኣቦታትና ኣብነታዊ ዝኾነ መስርሕ እንካን ሃባን ኣካይዶም ኢዮም፡ ብክንደይ ቃልስን ጥበብን ሓድነታ ሓልዮም ዘጽንሑልና ሃገር፡ መደብ ትግራይ-ትግርኚ መታን ክሰልጥ ፋሕ-ብትን ክኣትዋ ኣይንፈቅድን። ነዚ መደብ’ዚ ንምትግባር መሳርሒ ኰንካ ኤርትራ ክትበታተን ብዝኾነ መንገዲ ምትሕብባር እቲ ዝዓበየ ሃገራዊ ክድዓት ምዃኑ ክፍለጥ ኣሎዎ። ሓድነት ኤርትራ ክሕሎ ኣለዎ ኢልና። ሓድነት ኢትዮጵያኸ? ሓድነት ኢትዮጵያ እውን ክሕሎ ዘለዎ ነገር ምዃኑ ከስምረሉ እደሊ ኢየ። ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ንሓድነት ኢትዮጵያ ብኽልተ መሰረታዊ ምኽንያታት ደው ክንብለሉ ይግባእ። 1. ንሕና ሓድነትን፡ መሬታዊ ምሉእነትን፡ ሉዓላውነትን ኤርትራ ክኽበረልናን ክሕለወልናን ንደሊ። ከምኡ ኸኣ እምበኣር፡ ሓድነትን መሬታዊ ምሉእነትን ልዑላውነትን ኢትዮጵያ ክኽበርን ክሕሎን ከም ዘሎዎ ብመትከል ክንኣምን ኣሎና። እኳ ደኣ ሉዓላውነትን መሬታዊ ምሉእነትን ሃገራት ክኽበር ከምዘልዎ ኣብ ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕጊ ሰፊሩ ዘሎ መትከል ኢዩ። 2. ሓድነት ኢትዮጵያ እንተዘይተሓልዩ፡ ማለት ኢትዮጵያ ፋሕ-ብትን እንተኣትዩዋ፡ ኤርትራ ኸኣ ከም እትፈናጨል ፍሉጥ ኢዩ። እቲ ንኢትዮጵያ ፋሕ-ብትን ዘብል መደብ ንኤርትራ’ውን ይትንክፋ ኢዩ። ስለ’ዚ እምበኣር ቀጻሊ ሓድነት ኢትዮጵያ ንቐጻሊ ሓድነት ኤርትራ ኣድላዪ ስለዝኾነ ነኽብሮን ንድግፎን። ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባ፡ ንቐጻሊ ሓድነት ኢትዮጵያ ምኽባር መትከልናን ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕግን ብሙዃኑ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ብጭቡጥ ንጥቕምና እውን ስለዝኾነ ደው ክንብለሉ ይግባእ። ከምኡ ኸኣ ኢትዮጵያውያን ንሓድነትን ሉዓላውነትን ኤርትራ ደው ክብሉሉ ኣለዎም። 5. ከም’ቲ ኣቐዲመ ዝጠቐስኩዎ፡ ኤርትራ ኣብ’ቲ ኣዚዩ ዝኸፍአ ኩነታት ሃልያ፡ ካብ’ዚ ኩነታት እዚ ንኽገላግሉዋ፡ ንደቃ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ንኣባላት ዓለም-ለኻዊ ማሕበረ ሰብ እውን ኣውያታ ካብ እተስምዕ ነዊሕ ኮይኑ’ዩ። ነዚ ኣውያት እዚ ንኽንደይ ዓመታት ዝሰምዑዎ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ግን ክረድእዋ ኣይተረኽቡን። እዞም ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ንኤርትራ፡ ማለት ንህዝብን ሃገርን፡ ንምድሓን መታን ክበቕዑ እንታይ ክግበር ኣለዎ? ቅድም ቀዳድም እዚ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ናይ ጉዳዩ ወናኒ ንሙዃን ክበቅዕ ኣለዎ። ዋንነት ጉዳይካ ክበሃል ከሎ ‘’ኣውቶኖሚ’’ (ርእሰ ምምሕዳር) ክህልወካ ኣለዎ ማለት ኢዩ። ኣብ ጉዳይካ ብልዕሌኻ ኮይኑ ብዝኾነ መልክዕ ዝቆጻጸረካ ወይ ተጽዕኖ ዝገብረልካ ባዕዳዊ ሓለቓ ክህሉ የብሉን ማለት ኢዩ። ኣብ’ዚ እዋን እዚ መብዛሕትኡ ካብ’ዚ ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽላል ኪዳን ዘሎ ውድባት ናይ ጉዳዩ ዋንነት ዘለዎ ኣይመስልን። ወነንቱን ዘወርቱን ካልኦት ይመስሉ። ሓቂ ኢዩ፡ ኣብ ከም ኩነታትና ኮንካ ክትቃለስ ከለኻ ደገፍ ፈተውቲ መንግስታትን ምንቅስቃሳትን የድልየካ። እዚ ደገፍ እዚ ግን ዋንነት ጉዳይካ ዘግድፈካ ክኸውን የብሉን። ስለዚ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ንሕቶ ደገፍ መንግስታትን ምንቅስቓሳትን ብዝርኢ ኣዚዮም ክመራመሩ ኣሎዎም። ተመራሚሮም ናቶም ኣውቶኖሚ ዘረጋግጹሉ ሜላን ኣገባብን ክህንድሱ ኣሎዎም። ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ካብ ዝኾነ ኣካል፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ካብ ናይ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት መንግስታትን ምንቅስቃሳትን፡ ክርከብ ዝከኣል፡ ዋንነት ጉዳየን ዘይገፈን ሓገዛት ከናድያ ኣለወን። ነዛ ነጥቢ እዚኣ ከስምረላ እደሊ ኢዬ። ብፍላይ ንጎረባብትና ብዝርኢ፡ ንሉዓላውነትን ሓድነትን ኤርትራ ዘኽብር ክሳብ ዝኾነ ጊዜ፡ ካብ ዝኾነ ኣካል - መን’ዩ ብዘየግድስ - ሓገዝ ክንቅበል መሰልናን ንጥቕምናን ኢዩ። ብኣንጻሩ ከኣ እምበኣር ዋንነት ጉዳይና ብሓቂ ዘየኽብረልና ደጋፊ - መን ኢዩ ብዘየገድስ - ንሉዓላውነትን ሓድነትን ኤርትራ ብዝምልከት ምሒር ተኣማኒ ክኸውን ስለዘይክእል፡ ብዓቢ ጥንቃቐ ክቕረብ ዘለዎ ኢዩ። ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ሓቀኛ ሓድነት ክህልወን ኣለዎ። መሰረት ሓቀኛ ሓድነት ከኣ ሓባራዊ ወይ ዝቃዶ ዕላማ ኢዩ። ዕላማኻን ስትራተጂኻን ሓደ ወይ ዝቃዶ እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ትርጉም ብዘለዎ ዓይነት ሓደ ውድብ፡ ወይ ሓደ ምሕዝነት፡ ወይ ሓደ ኪዳን ክትከውን ኣይትኽእልን ኢኻ። ንተቓወምቲ ኤርትራውያን ብዝርኢ እዚ ነጥቢ’ዚ ካብ ዝልለ ነዊሕ እዋን ኣለዎ። እኳ ደኣ ኣብ ናይ ቀረባን ርሑቕን መደባት ሓድነት ወይ ምቅዳው መታን ክህሉ፡ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ክካየድ ከም ዘሎዎ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ተረዳዲእናሉ ኢና። ስለ’ዚ ሕጂ እውን እምበኣር፡ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ብመስርሕ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ገይረን ንናይ ቀረባን ርሑቕን መደባተን፡ እንተኾነ ሓደ፡ ከብኡ ተረፈ ዝሳነ ክገብራኦ ኣለወን። ነዚ ምስዝገብራ ነቲ ክጠቕሶ ዝጸናሕኩ ተደላዪ ነገራት ንኸማልኣ፡ ንህዝብን ሃገርን ንኸድሕና ኸኣ ይበቕዓ ማለት ኢዩ። እዚ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላን ምስኡ ዝተተሓሓዘ እዋናዊ ኩነታትን የምጽኣና። 6. ንሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ብዝርኢ ኣብ ናይ ዓሚ ፈስቲቫል፡ ሕጽር ብዝበለ ኣገባብ፡ ሓደ መልእኽቲ ምስ ምሕጽንታኡ ኣመሓላሊፈ ነይረ። ሓደ ዓመት ሓሊፉ ከብቅዕ እቲ ኩነታት ኣይተመሓየሸን፣ እኳ ደኣ መሊሱ ዝተሓላለኸን ዘጸግምን ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ብዛዕባ እዚ ርእሰ ነገር እዚ ”ወርክሾፕ”፡ ‘’ሰሚናር’’ ዝኣመሰለ ኣኼባታት ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባን ኣብ ካልእ ቦታታትን ክካየድ ከም ዝቐነየን፡ ‘’ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ’’ ብዝብል ተጸውዖ ስፍሕ ዝበለ ኣኼባ ክካየድ ምዃኑን ዝሕብር ጸብጻባት ከነንብብ ቀኒና። በዚ ሎሚ፡ ኣፍ ኣውጺኡ ንሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ዝጻረር ኣካል እንተዘየልቦ እኳ፡ ኩሎም ውድባት ኣይኮኑን ሓቀኛ መስርሕ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ዝደልዩን ዝድግፉን። እቶም ቀንዲ ተቓወምቲ ሓቀኛ ዋዕላ እዞም ሕጂ ሓደ ውድብ ንሙዃን ዝቃራረቡ ዘሎዉ (አረ ዳርጋ ኮይኖም ኢዮም)፡ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ (ማለት ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ)ን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራስን፡ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቃስን ኢዮም። እቲ ኣብ ኩነታትና ጽፉፍን ኣድማዕን ዝኾነ መስርሕ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ፡ እቲ ብሽማግለ ማኒፈስቶ ካስል ዝተዳለወ ሰነድ ብንጹር ኣስፊርዎ ዘሎ ኢዩ። እዚ ሰነድ ወይ መጽናዕቲ እዚ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ካብ ሱሩ ተማሕዩ ክድርበ ኣሎዎ ኣብ ዝብል ዕላማ ዝተመስረተ ኢዩ። ምስ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ዘተ’ዶ ዕላል’ዶ ዝበሃል ነገር የልቦን። ሸቶ ናይ እዚ ሓቀኛ ዋዕላ ኣብ’ዚ መድረኽ እዚ እምበኣር ነቲ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ንምምጻእ ንዝህቅን ቃልሲ ምዕባይን ምሕያልን ኢዩ። እዞም በዓል ሰልፊ ዲሞክራስን ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ግን መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ዝደልዩ ኣይመስሉን። ‘ቃልስና ብሰላማዊ መንገዲ ኢዩ’ ኢሎም ኢዮም። እዚ ከይዱ ኸይዱ፡ ምስ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ወይ ህግዲፍ ኣብ መኣዲ ዘተን እንካን ሃባን ዘእትዎም ኢዩ። ትጽቢቶምን ድልየቶምን እዚ ምዃኑ ዝእምት እኹል ምልክታት እውን ኣሎ። ሓደ ከነስተባህለሉ ዘሎና፡ ነዞም ውድባት እዚኦም ዝምልከት ነጥቢ ኣሎ።እዞም ውድባት እዚኦም ምስ መንግስቲ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ጽኑዕ ዝምድና ዘማዕብሉ ዘለዉ ይመስሉ። እቶም ሰልፊ ዲሞክራስን ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቃስን እኳ፡ ካብ ህግዲፍ ዝመጹ ኮይኖም፡ ምስ ህ-ወያኔ ዝጸንሐ ዝምድና ዝነበሮም ኢዮም። እቲ ዝነበሮም ጥራሕ ኢዩ ዝቕጽል ዘሎ። እቲ ዘገርም ናይቶም ኣብ’ዚ ቀረባ ግዜያት ዝተጸንበርዎም፡ ውልዶ ጀብሃ ዝኾኑ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ (ሕጂ ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝበሃሉ ዘሎዉ) ኢዩ። እዚ ውድብ’ዚ፡ በዚ እዋን’ዚ ብዘስደምም መጠን ንመንግስቲ ህ-ወያኔ ክውድስ ይርከብ። ሕሉፍ ሓሊፉ ንታሪኽ ወያኔ ኣብ ሰውራ ኤርትራ የሞጉስ ኣሎ። ንኣብነት፡ ምስ’ቲ ዓሚ ወከልቲ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ንመቐለ ዝገበሩዎ ዑደት ብዝተታሓሓዘ፡ ናይ’ቲ ውድብ ክፍሊ ዜናን ባህልን ኣብ ዘውጽኦ ጽሑፍ፡ ብጊዜ ብረታዊ ገድሊ “ደቂ ትግራይ” ምእንቲ ኤርትራ ብጅግንነት ተሰዊኦም ኢሉ ኣሞጒሱ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ እዚ መስዋእት’ዚ ‘’ታሪኻዊ ዝምድና ህዝቢ ትግራይን ኤርትራን’’ ዘመስከረ ኢዩ ክብል ነቲ ነጥቢ ጸቐጠሉ። ነቶም ብግንባርን ወያኔን ዝጠፍኡ ሰማእታት ጀብሃ ጠሊምካ፡ ንግደ ወያኔ (ወይ ከኣ ብቋንቋ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ንግደ ደቂ ትግራይ) ኣብ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ምቅንጃው ፈጺሙ ሕሱር ብሙዃኑ በቶም ዝነኣዱ ዘለዉ መንግስቲ ኣዲስ ኣበባ እውን ለቕላቒ ዘብለካን ዘንዕቐካን ኢዩ። ገለ ካብ ካድራት ሰውራዊ ባይቶ እሞ ኸኣ፡ መንግስቲ ኢህኣዲግ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኢትዮጵያን ኣብ ዞባ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ንዝትግብርዎ ፖሊሲ ከይሓፈሩ ይድግፉን የድንቑን አለዉ። ካልእስ ይትረፍ፡ ነቲ ኣብ መወዳእታ 2006 ብኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሶማል ዝተኻየደ ወራር እኳ ‘’ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ቃሕ ዝበላ ጣልቃ ትእቶ፡… ንዓና ኤርትራውያን ዝምልከት ኣይኮነን’’ ብምባል፡ ነቲ ወራር ጨለ ስጉምቲ ኢዩ ዳርጋ ይብልዎ። ካብኡ ሓሊፎም እውን ሶማል ብጊዜ ብረታዊ ገድሊ ዝገበረትልና ዝጠቅም ነገር ኣይነበረን፡ ወያኔ ኢዮም ዝገበሩልና፡ ‘’ብ “2 ኢዶም” እኳ ንናጽነት ፈሪሞምልና፡ እናበሉ ብዘሕንኽ መጠን ንመንግስቲ ኣዲስ ኣበባ የቃባጥሩ ኣለዉ። ንታሪኽ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ብዝርኢ ይኹን ንውሽጣውን ዞባውን ፖሊሲ መንግስቲ ህ-ወያኔ ብዝምልከት፡ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ሕሉፍ ናእዳ ከስምዑ ክትዕዘብ ከሎኻ ኣብ ገለ እከይ መደብ ተሰሪዖም ኣለዉ ኢልካ ክትግምት ናይ ግድን ኢዩ። ምስ’ዚ ብዝተሓሓዘ ክፍለጥ ዘለዎ ሓደ ነገር ኣሎ። ኢትዮጵያውያን ምሁራትን ተንቀሳቐስትን፡ ብፍላይ እኳ እቶም ሰዓብቲ ህ-ወያኔ ዘይኮኑ፡ ነዚ ብገለ ውድባት ኤርትራ ዝረአ ዘሎ ናይ ምልቕላቕ ጠባያት ይዕዘብዎን ይምዝግብዎን ኣለዉ። ነቲ ንዳሕራዩ፡ ሳዕቤናት ክህልዎ ይኽእል ኢዩ። 7. ሰውራዊ ባይቶ (ሰልፊ ህዝቢ) ምስ በዓል ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ብመስመር ጽገና ዝዛመዱ ዘለዉ፡ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዘሻቕል ኩነታት ኣብ እትርከበሉ፡ ሕቶታትን ጥርጠራታትን ዘልዕሉ ተርእዮታት ከኣ ኣብ ዝገሃዱሉን ዘሎ እዋን ኢዩ። ገለ ካብ’ቲ ተርእዮታት እዚ ዝስዕብ ኢዩ። (1) ኤርትራ ከም ዓዲ ሰብ በሪሳ፡ ዳርጋ ሞይታ ኢያ። ድኽነት፡ ጥሜት፡ ስደት፡ ማእሰርቲ፡ ባርነት፡ ሕማም፡ ሞት፡ - እዝን ምስ’ዚ ዝተተሓሓዘ ሻቕሎትን ኢዩ ሰፊኑዋ ዘሎ። ስርዓተ-ሕግን ቀጥዒ-ምሕደራን ዝበሃል ዳርጋ የልቦን። እቲ ዘገርም ነገር እዚ ናይ ኤርትራ ጸገማር ካብ ጉድለት ዓቕሚ ወይ ጉድለት ትሕዝቶ ዝነቐለ ዘይምዃኑ ኢዩ። መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ እንተዝደሊ፡ ኩነታት ህዝብና ካብዚ ዘለዎ ኣዝዩ ዝሐሸ ክኸውን ምኸኣለ ነይሩ። እኳ ደኣ ንህዝባዊ ኣገልግሎት - ማለት ንዕደላ እኽልን መግብን፡ ሕክምና፡ መጓዓዓዚ፡ ወዘተ.- ብዝርኢ፡ ህ-ግንባር፡ ካብ ከም መንግስቲ ኣብ ኣስመራ፡ ብጊዜ ብረታዊ ገድሊ ከም ውድብ ኣብ ሳሕል ከላ ትሓይሽ ነይራ ክሳብ ምባል ዝበጽሑ ኣለዉ። ሕስብ እንተቢልናዮ እኮ፡ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ነቲ ህዝቢ ምንም ኣይገብረሉን ዘሎ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ እንታይ ደኣ እቲ ህዝቢ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ክሕግዝን ክተሓጋገዝን እኳ ኣይፍቀደሉን ዘሎ። ካበ’ዚ ተበጊሰ ኣነ እዚ ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ሽግር ኮነ ኢሉ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ዝፈጠሮ ኢዩ ክብል እደፍር። እዛ ሕጂ ዘላ ኩነታት ከም’ቲ ገለ ኣመሪካውያንን እንግሊዛውያንን ንረብሓ ስትራተጂኦም ኢሎም ዝዛረብዋ ዝነበሩ ‘’ኤርትራ ነብሳ ኣይትኽእልን ኢያ’’ ተብል ኢያ። ስለ’ዚ ኤርትራ ነብሳ ካብ ዘይከኣለት ትፈናጨል እሞ ገሊኡ ኣካላታ ንሱዳን፡ ገሊኡ ኸኣ ንኢትዮጵያ ወይ ንትግራይ ይኺድ መታን ክበሃል ዶኾን ይኸውን ኩነታት ህዝብና ከምዝበርስ ዝግበር ዘሎ ኢልካ ክትግምት ትግደድ ኢኻ። እቲ ሕጂ ምሒር ከፊእዎ ዘሎ ህዝቢ እኽልን ካልእ ኣገልግሎትን እንተ ተዋሂቡዎ እሞ ኩነታቱ ቁሩብ እንተተማሓይሹሉ ሓሊፉልና! ኢሉ ነቲ ሓድሽ ዝምድናታት ክቕበሎ ይኽእል ኢዩ ዝብል ሓሳብ እውን ከይሃለወ ኣይተርፍን ኢዩ ኢልካ ክትጠራጠር ናይ ግድን ኢዩ። (2) እቲ ካልኣይ ተርእዮ ምስ’ዚ ክጥቀስ ዝጸንሐ ነጥቢ ዝዛመድ ኢዩ። በዚ እዋን’ዚ ኣብ ገሊኡ ምሁራዊ ዓንኬላት፡ ኤርትራ ካብ ቅድም እንተኾነ እውን ነብሳ ኣይትኽእልን ኢያ ዝብል ኣዘራርባ ክቀላቐል ጀሚሩ ኣሎ። ምቅላሕ ናይዚ ሓሳብ’ዚ ወዝቢ ይኹን ወይስ ምስ ገሊኡ እከይ መደባት ዝተተሓሓዘ ግን ርግጸኛ ኣይኮንኩን። (3) እቲ ሳልሳይ ተርእዮ ሓደ ኣቐድም ኣቢለ ዝጠቐስክዎ ነጥቢ ኢዩ። ንሱ ከኣ ንነዊሕ እዋን ዓበይቲ ካድራት ህ.ግንባር ኮይኖም፡ ኤርትራ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ንኽትፍለ ኣጽዒቖም ዝዋፈሩ ዝነበሩ ባእታታት፡ ሕጂ ‘’ምፍላይ ጌጋ ኢዩ ነይሩ’’ እናበሉ ጣዕሳኦም ይገልጹ ምህላዎም ኢዩ። ስለምንታይ ሕጂ ከምዚ ይብሉ ኣሎዉ? እዚ ዘረባኦም ስቕ ኢልካ ዝፍኖ ዘሎ ዘይኮነስ፡ ምፍላይ ኤርትራ ጌጋ ኢዩ ነይሩ እሞ፡ ሕጂ ካልእ ዝምድናታት ንቀበል መታን ክበሃል ክኸውን ይኽእልዶ? እዚ ዘረባታት ወይ ጣዕሳታት እዚ ኣካል ናይ’ቲ ገለ እከይ መደባት ንኽሰልጥ ዝግበር ዘሎ መንጸፍ ክኸውን ይኽእልዶ? ኢልካ ምሕታት ሃጠው-ቀጠው ወይ ሃለውለው ኣይኮነን። (4) እቲ ራብዓይ ተርእዮ ንኣቀዋውማ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ዝርኢ ኢዩ። ኣብ እዚ ንሽሙ ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽላል ኪዳን ተጠርኒፉ ዝበሃል ውድባት፡ ንሓድነት ኤርትራ ሓደገኛ ብዝኾነ መስመራት ነንበይኑ ተሰሪዑ ዘሎ ኣካላት ኣሎ። ብሓፈሻዊ ኣዘራርባ ሰለስተ ልፍንታት ኣሎ፡- ማለት ልፍንትታት ከበሳዊ ውድባትን፡ ምዕራባዊ ውድባትን ብሄራዊ ውድባትን። እዚ ፍልልያት እዚ ክገፍሕ ዝኽእል ነቓዓት ፈጢሩ ንኤርትራ ፋሕ-ብትን ንናይ ምባል መደብ ከገልግል ይኽእል ኢዩ። (5) እቲ ኣገዳሲ 5ይ ተርእዮ ኸኣ ንምርጫ ዝርኢ፡ ካብ ወገን መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ይመጽእ ኣሎ ዝበሃል ዘሎ ኢዩ። ከም እትፈልጥዎ ዓሚ ምስ ኣልጀዚራ ኣብ ዝገበሮ ቃለ መሐትት፡ ንምርጫ ይኹን ንጉዳይ ዲሞክራሲ ብናይ ምስትንዓቕ መንፈስ፡ ዳርጋ ‘’እንታይ ዝኸውን ዲሞክራሲ፣ እንታይ ዝኸውን ምርጫ ኢዩ ንሱ’’ ዝዓይነቱ፡ ዘስደምም ዘረባ ኢዩ ዝተዛረበ። ሕጂ ግን ህግዲፍ ሓዲሽ ቋንቋ ክዛረቡ ጀሚሮም ከምዘለዉ ሓበሬታ ኣሎ። ንኢሳያስ ዝለዓለ ኣማኻሪኡ ዝኾነ፡ የማነ ገብረኣብ፡ ኣብ’ዚ ቀረባ እዋናት ኣብ ብዓል ጀርመን ሆላንድ መጺኡ፡ ኣኼባታት ኣካይዱ ነይሩ። ኣብ ሆላንድ ኣብ ዝገበሮ ኣኼባታት ን2011 ዓ.ም - ማለት ድሕሪ 2 ዓመት - ኣብ ኤርትራ ምርጫ ክካየድ ኢዩ ክብል ገሊጹ ዝብል ሓበሬታ ኣሎ። ታሪኽን ባህልን ኣረኣእያን ኢሳያስ ኣብ ጸብጻብ ኣእቲኻ እቲ ምርጫ - ብሓቂ ክግበር እንተኾይኑ - ንገለ ተወጢኑ ዘሎ እከይ መደባት ንምምላእ ዝካየድ ናይ ሓሶት መስርሕ ጥራይ ከምዝኸውን ምግማት ይከኣል። ንኣብነት ከም እንፈልጦ፡ እዞም ኣቐዲመ ዝጠቐስኩዎም፡ ኣገባብ ቃልስና ሰላማዊ ኢዩ ዝብሉ ውድባት፡ ምስ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ዘተን ምርድዳእን ዝደልዩ ኢዮም። እምበኣር እቲ ክግበር’ዩ ዝበሃል ዘሎ ምርጫ ነዞም ምስ መንግስቲ ህግዲፍ ክረዳድኡን ክተሓባበሩን ዝደልዩ ውድባት መንገዲ ክጸርገሎም ወይ ማዕጾ ከርሕወሎም ዝተባህለ ሜላ ክኸውን ይኽእል ኢዩ። 8. ኣብ ክሊ ናይ’ዚ ክገልጾ ዝጸናሕኩ ሃዋህው ኢዩ እምበኣር ‘’ወርክሾፕ’’ ብዛዕባ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ተገይሩ፡ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ እውን ክካየድ ኢዩ ዝበሃል ዘሎ። እንታይ ዓይነት ዋዕላ ኢዩ እዚ? ብሓቂ ሉዓላዊ ዲዩ? ነቲ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ንምርግጋጽ - ማለት ንመንግስቲ ህግዲፍ ሚሒኻ ንምድርባይ - ዝግበር ቃልሲ ክድግፍ ዝተባህለ መስርሕ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን ኢዩ። ከም’ቲ መንግስቲ ህግዲፍ ከካይዶ ኢዩ ዝበሃል ዘሎ ምርጫ፡ እዚ እውን ‘’ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ’’ ብዝብል ሽም ኣኼባ ገይርካ፡ ምናልባት ምስ ኢሳያስ፡ ወይ ምስ ካልኦት ኣካል ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዝኾኑ ጉጅለታት ምትዕራቕን ምትሕብባርን፡ እሞ ነዚ ሓቀኛ ተቓዋሚ ሓይልታት ንምቕሃም ዝዕላማኡ ጥራይ ኢዩ ክኸውን ዝኽእል። ከም’ቲ ብዙሓት ኣስተብሂልኩምሉ ዘለኹም፡ ኣብ’ዚ ክካየድ ዝቐነየን ዝካየድ ዘሎን ን’’ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ’’ ዝጠቅስ ንጥፈታት፡ ነታ ሽማግለ ማኒፈስቶ ካስል ዘዳለወታ ሰነድ ዝምልከት የልቦን። እዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ ከምዘየላ ተቖጺራ ‘’ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ’’ ምስ ዝተባህለ ነገር ዝተሓሓዘ መደባት ይካየድ ኣሎ። ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባ፡ ከም’ቲ ዓሚ ዝበልክዎ፡ ነዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ ንምቕባር ከይሲ ጻዕርታት ይካየድ ኣሎ። እዚ ጻዕርታት’ዚ ኸአ ታሪኻዊ ገበን ኢዩ። ነዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ ብዝርኢ፡ ክልተ ዓበይቲ ነጥብታት ምልላይ የድሊ። (1) እዚ መጽናዕቲ እዚ ብዙሕ ጻዕሪ ዝተገብረሉ ኢዩ። ብትግርኛ ተዳልዩ፡ ተሓቲሙ፡ ናብ ቋንቋ ዓረብ ተተርጒሙ፡ ብኢንተርነትን ከም መጽሓፍን ንኽዝርጋሕ ክንደይ ጊዜን ጻዕርን ወዲኡ። ስለ’ዚ ነዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ ምቕባር ምፍታን ንጻዕርታት ግዱሳት ደቂ ሃገር ዘየኽብር፡ ትርጉምን ልዑል ግምትን ዕዮ ዘይርዳእ፡ ድሑርን ዘይሓላፍነታውን መንፈስ ዘንጸባርቕ ገበን ኢዩ። ብኻሊእ ኣዘራርባ እዚ ገበን’ዚ ተሞክሮ ሰውራ ኣሎና ካብ ዝብሉ ኣካላት ዘይትጽበዮ፡ ድሑርን ጸረ ምዕባለን ኣተሓሳስባ ዘግህድ ኢዩ። (2) እቲ ካልኣይ ነጥቢ ንታሪኻዊ ኣመጻጽኣ ናይ’ዛ ሰነድ ዝርኢ ኢዩ። እዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ ህዝባዊ መንቀሊ ዘለዋን፡ ተልእኾ ህዝቢ ዝሓዘለትን ኢያ። ሳላ ንጡፍ ምንቅስቓስ መሰረታት ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ - ወይ ከአ ኣባላት ዲሞክራስያዊት ማሕበር መንእሰይ ኤርትራ - ኣብ ካስል ኣብ ዝተገብረ ኣኼባ፡ ወከልቲ ህዝቢ ተኣኪቦም ሓደ ማኒፈስቶ ተኸቲሙ፡ ህዝቢ ኻአ ተቐቢልዎን መሪቕዎን። ምስ ትግባረ ማኒፈስቶ ብዝተተሓሓዘ ኸኣ እዛ ሽማግለና ሓደ ቁም-ነገር ከተስልጥ ቆይማ፣ ውጽኢት ጻዕሪ ሽማግለና ኻአ እዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ ኢያ። ብሓቂ፡ ብሓቂ እዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ ታሪኻዊት ኢያ። ሓደ ካብ’ቶም ኣብ ምድላው እዛ ሰነድ ዓቢ ግደ ዝነበሮም ኣባላትና፡ ሓው እስማዒል ዓሊ ኣሕመድ፡ ኣብ ዘመናዊ ታሪኽ ኤርትራ፡ ብህዝባዊ ኣፈጣጥረአንን ብሃገራዊ ሓልዮተንን ተልእኾአንን፡ ብድምቀት ዝልለያ ሰለስተ ሰነዳት ኣለዋ ይብል። ንሳተን ከኣ እታ ናይ 1952 ሕገ መንግስቲ ኤርትራን፡ እታ ናይ 1971 ቀዳማይ ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ተ.ሓ.ኤ ዝኣወጃ ፕሮግራምን፡ እዛ ሽማግለ ማኒፈስቶ ካስል ዘዳለወታ ‘’ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ንሓድነትን ድሕነትን ኤርትራ’’ ዘርእስታ ሰነድን ኢየን። እስማዒል ናይ ታሪኽ ምሁር ኢዩ፡ ነዚ ጉዳይ እዚ ብዝምልከት ዝህቦ ርእይቶ ሚዛን ዘለዎን ተኣማንን ክኽበር ዘለዎን ኢዩ። እምበኣርከስ ነዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ፡ ብቑሉዕ ዲዩ ወይስ ብሰላሕታዊ ኣገባብ ምቅዋም፡ ጸረ ዕዮ፡ ጸረ ዲሞክራስን፡ ጸረ ህዝብን ዝኾነ ተልእኾ ኢዩ። ብናተይ ኣረኣእያ፡ ነዛ ሰነድ እዚኣ ዝቃወም ዘሎ ኣካላት ብተግባር ካብ ክሕደት ሃገር ኣብ ዘይንእስ ገበን ኢዩ ተዋፊሩ ዘሎ። እምበኣር ኩሉ ደላይ ሓቀኛ ለውጢ ዘበለ ምንቅስቓሳትን ውድባትን፡ ንመንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ንምውዳቕ ምስ ዝተተሓሓዘ ጻዕሪ፡ ኣብ’ዛ ሰነድ ማኒፈስቶ ካስል ዝተመስረተ መስርሕ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ንኽካየድ አእጃሙ ንኸበርክት እናተሓሳሰብኩ ዘረባይ እዓጹ። ስለ ዝሰማዕክሙኒ ብዙሕ አመስግነኩም! የቐንየለይ።

Tuesday, September 15, 2009

LAUGHTER IS THE BEST MEDICINE

http://www.ethiopiansemay.blogspot.com/Africans may be miserable and subjected to poverty but they are on the whole nice people forever thinking of the welfare of others even in crazy times when they may be forced to indulge in a genocide or cut arms and legs with machetes. It is a dour and grim world we live in and so the Africans’ untiring attempt to make us laugh now and then should be appreciated.
From the land of the Sudan, where once idle chiefs ordered a man to marry a female goat and warmed the heart of may a racist, came the indecent trousers show. A Sudanese woman, Loubna Hussein, working as a journalist wit the UN was arrested because she was wearing a trouser in public and it was deemed indecent. The world which did not know that the stiff necked fundamentalist regime has been flogging women on the basis of their clothes was surprised at first and then amused. What makes a trouser indecent? Tightness? Colour? What? We all know the Sudan has grave problems in its hands. The regime has to make sure its killing spree continues in Darfur and that does require effort (not every lazy regime can handle a genocide!), that the impending secession of the South does not materialize, that the starving millions get enough food–huge tasks, big priorities. But, the generals took time out to give us the trousers show, dragging a brave woman to court and sentencing her to prison or fine (flogging left out this time–too much world attention). The dynasty or succession show presented to the world by Syria and North Korea was justifiably taken away by Africa for the enjoyment of all. Eyadema of Togo left power to his son, Kabila senior to Kabila junior in what was Zaire and now Ali Bongo of Gabon is succeeding his corrupt father. “Monarchy– republics” are in vogue and up North Mubarek is coordinating his own similar show and Gadafi may very well leave his place to Seif Al Islam, his son. Funny shows.
Talk of Gadafi and the showman in Tripoli held a big bash to which African “kings and chiefs” in their colourful dresses were invited over to declare once again Brother Moamar Gadafi the King of Kings of Africa. He was given a throne as a gift (among other offerings) and he wore huge gold rings and a necklace. After a heavy meal quite a few of the tribal chiefs and so called kings napped as Gadafi spoke, but no the show still went on and tried to surpass Bokassa’s coronation as a central African Napoleon some decades back. The funny show aside, Gadafi is no fool. He has used his oil to buy the old British Empire and to make it bend to his wills, to release the alleged Lockerbie bomber and then to ridicule itself by claiming it did that on humanitarian grounds only. From Somalia, we got the funny event of terrorists of Al Shabab buying arms from the alleged enemy, the Transitional government led by Sheikh Ahmed. The arms come from Uganda bought and paid for by America. Once again our wily neighbours are being supplied with arms by their own enemy, Washington, and the naivety of the often arrogant American officials makes us laugh. In Ethiopia, the often unfunny despotic regime of Meles Zenawi came up with its own Orwellian joke banning the word cholera and baptizing it instead (very many thousands even in the capital are afflicted and hundreds are dying even in the capital Addis Abeba) as “Atet” or dangerous or fast watery diarrhoea. No doctor can use the C word or would face jail and the routine beating. This has given ideas to other tyrants to re baptize killer diseases and make them appear benign or innocuous. Ugandans used to call AIDS “slim” but some are now considering calling it “severe diet syndrome (SDS), giving the idea that the loss of weight is linked to fanatical dieting “like the ones engaged in by some models. Malaria can be renamed Saturday Night Fever and so on.
Cameroon’s Biya spent 400,000 US dollars per night for hotel rooms and services fee (the average Cameroonian earns a dollar a day) but his spokesmen retaliated with a “he has been allocated the money and he can spend it as he pleases” thereby making everyone–including Cameroonians–laugh. Don’t be jealous! Who gave him all this money to spend? Bad question, just laugh and enjoy the noble gesture of our tyrants who spend so much money to maintain our prestige in foreign lands (where God knows why they still think we are poor and begging for help!) and give us the chance to enjoy by proxy. The latest joke on the streets of Addis Abeba is that the tyrant Meles will win the 2010 general election hands down ( he lost the last one but stayed in power killing and jailing those who cried foul) because of millions of hens and chicken will vote for him as he raised the price of a hen to 80 Birr (they used to cost less than ten Birr in the past) and millions were not able to afford them for the kill come the Ethiopian new year (September 11) and the chicken and hen folk are elated. A South African boy, who did not know of Idi Amin who had at least 33 children, answered the question “where do babies come from?” with: “they come from Jacob Zuma” (who has 18 children by the latest count). The problem with Africans, if you want to call it that, is that they are an open book, not hiding details of their personal lives. Many a European and American have concubines and very may children out of wedlock but silence is the edict on the fact. Not Africans who flaunt their peccadilloes. Idi Amin paraded his wives and very many children, the old Mzee Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya dragged his wife, Mama Ngina, to a public forum so that she can testify he may be old but was as active as cock It was all before the blue pill). In all cases, we supplied the fun; we let those who think we are savages and bizarre have the laugh at our expense. We told the world we married goats, believed in traditional witch doctors (who consulted bones instead of the computer), declared an arrogant Arab colonel king of kings, denied diseases their existence by giving them benign names, ignored the existence of famine, elected again and again pour own tormentors, like to slaughter one another for nothing, and that our riches are there for the taking. The world laughed at us. We were useful, we are useful.
An acquaintance of mine I shall call Professor Mendal (a combination of the names of there educated Ethiopian fools) suggests that Africans can get back at their tyrants by laughing at them. The run of the mill African dictator takes himself very seriously and has very many laws dealing severely with any lese majeste. You cannot laugh at he tyrants who can only laugh at the Nation at will. The practice of laughing at the tyrants, of not taking them seriously at all, of ignoring their edicts, of roaring with laughter at their endless antics will surely drive them crazy. Idi Amin stole the people’s laughter and enjoyed his won fun and aggravated the misery of the people. Take our constipated looking tyrants ranging from Kagame and Meles to Ngueso and Dos Santos and imagine what being laughed at or being ridiculed will do them. We can also laugh at the opposition and give them a taste of reality. Back in the early and mid seventies Algeria’s Boumedienne (he hardly ever smiled out of choice and not he had crooked teeth) played at being revolutionary and invited dozens of self declared liberation fronts to Algiers. One of these was a self declared Ashanti prince who brought over a political program which had an introduction, his photo, other books written by the author and a long article on the personality of the “prince revolutionary” with a final call foe the then president of Ghana, Busia, to resign (because “you are a sophist”) and concludes by stating if Busia does not resign the Ghanaian army should overthrow him via a coup d’etat. A curious political program in which the self declared prince states that he met Busia and the [president suspected he was a roving agent of Nkrumah (”which I was not”) or a “big personality disguised as a common man”(”which I was”). Such funny “rebels “and “Marxist- Leninist- Lumumbist ” con men from the Congo are no longer around. Politics has become boring and the politicians humourless. That is why the African should laugh at those oppressing them and at those who declare themselves their liberators but are caricatures of those in power. Laughter is indeed the best medicine.//-/